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A) At Royal Initiatives: Referring to the problem of its date of construction, the gurdian authority of this famous archaeological site, the Directorate of Archaeology, Assam, has made it confirmed that Madan-Kamdev is a product of 11 th/12 th century A.D, when the mightly Pala rulers had maintained their rule in Kamrupa (as the sign board at the very entrance of the temple complex has referred to us). Earlier, the same authority, however presumed it as being a product of 10 th/12 th century A.D. 29 Dr. P. C. Sarma, on the other hand, has put forwarded a view that stylistically, the time of construction of this temple can be dated to the 12 th century A.D.. Without entangling much into this controversy at this stage of our study, here we would simply like to examine all those confirmation 28. = Barpujari, H.K.(ed.): Op-cit, 1990, p.170. 29. Kalita, K.K.(ed.) : Op-cit, 2003, p.14.

23 and if possible to co-related them with different socio-economic probabilities which have prepared the ground for the construction of this mightly temple complex. Accordingly, if we consider 10 th century A.D. as the initial phase of its construction, at that time Kamrupa was under the rule of the Salastambha family. The Bargaon Copper plate grant has clearly stated that there were twenty one kings of that line 30 and all of them can safely be accommodate in between 7 th to 10 th century A.D. 31 Regarding the condition of eastern Indian politics, it was during this time, one of the prominent political power of this region, the Bengal Pala, was on the road to its decline, specially after the tenure of Devapala (810-850 A.D).35 The engagement of the Pala rulers in the tripartite struggle for the mastery over Kanauj, has further accelerated the process of 30. 31. 32. Bargaon, C.P. : v. 10. 32 This assumption is quite controversial one as the scholar like D.C.Sirkar tried to confirmed the date of the last king of this line Tyagasimha in between 890-900 A.D. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.) Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol.I, 1990, p. 138. But the scholar like P. C. Choudhury on the other hand has stated that the rule of Salastambha line was continued probably to the middle part on 10 th century A.D. Choudhury, P.C.: HCPA, 1987, p.224 Supporting this another eminent scholar M M Sarma has issued a genealogical list of Salastambha family stretching from 7 th century A.D. to 10 th century A.D. by keeping a gap of three unknown rulers between Balavarman III, the last great ruler of this line and Tyagasimha. Thus, the matter can safely be sum up in the words that the 10 th century A.D. had witnessed a transition of power from Salastambha to Brahmapala dynasty. Sarma, M.M. : Inscription of Ancient Assam, 1978, pp.33-34. Choudhury, P.C.: Assam Bengal Relation, 1988, p.45.

24 their decline. The tripartite struggle is an important occurrence to the history of India in which three major power of Indian politics, namely the Rashtrakuta, the Pratihara and the Pala (during 8 th to 10 th century A.D.) by extending their military activities to win over the famous city of Kanauj. But that was at the cost of their respective powers in toto, as no one can ever attain any success over this famous city (in a permanent way) and it proved to be total wastage of their man, money and power, which ultimately led them to a point of their complete extinction. The tripartite struggle and, more specifically the declining trend of the Bengal Pala, had some implication in the Kamrupi politics. First of all, it had provided an opportunity to the Kamrupi king to extend the centre of their political activities, if possible, to the region lying west of river Teesta.33 King Vanamalavarmadeva of Salastambha line (832-55 A.D) was the first Kamrupi King who had purposefully utilized the opportunity of Pala's engagement in the tripartite struggle and extended his frontier towards north and south eastern part of Bengal. He became the true empire builder by extending traditional western boundary of Kamrupa beyond the river Karatoya. Thus, the tripartite struggle and consequent decline of Bengal Pala, in combine, have prepared the ground in emerging Kamrupa once again as a paramount power in the east Indian politics. This paramouncy, on the other hand, might have created a favourable atmosphere in instituting a new boost to an unbroken movement of temple buildings activities in Assam, right from the initial formative phase of the Gupta cultural epoch to a 33. Choudhury, P.C.: HCPA, 1987, p.45.

25 mature phase of its culmination. The prolongness of the tripartite struggle had created an atmosphere of unstability in north Indian politics which might have frustrated the artisans and other persons of these regions. This type of political unstability always proved to be devastating one for those people whose day to day livelihood based on the patronization of the royal and other wealthy group of people in the society. This normally inspired those skilled but frustrated arisan to move out of this turmolic atmosphere and to make search for a land of peace and tranquility and accordingly Kamrupa appeared to be the best choice land for them to settle (the matter will be taken up in more detail in the chapter V). The migration of these skilled artisan have injected a fresh lease of life to the surviving tradition of plastic activities in Kamrupa. The best prove example of this fact is found in the inscriptions of Vanamalavarmadeva in which he being described as the constructor of palatial building with decorated rooms and with beautiful pictures.34 It is also said about him that he rebuilt a mighty Siva temple Hataka-sulin and endowed it with villages, elephants and temple girls. 35 This prolific building activities initiated by Vanamalavarmadeva, was continued and ultimately reach its culmination during the tenure of Pala rule in Assam. Among the Pala rulers, Ratnapala (920-60 A.D) was the most important king, during whose reign Kamrupa had witnessed all round development of plastic activities. 36 King Ratnapala had the credit of building new fortresses in the capital known as Durjaya 34. Ibid. p. 218. 35. Tezpur C.P. v. 24. 36. Nath, R.: The Background of Assam Culture, 1978, p.45.

26 (impregnable). The grandeur of this new city as described in Bargaon copper plate grant 37 had clearly manifested Ratnapala's patronizing zeal to the plastic activities. The building activities of the Salastambha period was mainly confined to the central and lower Assam. 38 The architectural remains prove that the Salastambha had successfully maintained post Gupta temple building trend of north India, by using stone components of heavier dimension. 39 Increasing number of sculptures and other ornaments to the outer surfaces of the temple structures were the two other primary characteristic features of the Salastambha architecture.40 The archaeological remains, excavated in and around modern Tezpur and Guwahati, are generally referred as being the products of a period starting from 7 th century A.D. to 10 th century A.D. 41 and sometime the time frame of these find spots, however, may be extended to 12 th century A.D. While referring to the basic character of the temple building activities between 900 A.D.-1400 A.D., it is interesting to note that the royal house and the feudal chiefs, were two of the prime organs in the society who not only commissioned the temples but also used it as a fertile ground to exposed their taste and out look. 42 On the light of this discussion when we referred to the temple ranges of Madan-Kamdev, the most important point of 37. Bargaon C.P vv.30-40. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.): Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol.III, 2007, p.316. 38. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. Desai, D. Erotic Sculpture of India, 1985, p.40. "

27 our attraction is the lusturous ornamentation of these temples, which seems to be possible only with a greater financial support. This type of expenditure was certainly not possible for any ruler of general standard, only the king of Vanamala, Ratnapala or other great rulers in repute can deared to bear this type of financial liabilities for the construction of any temple complex of MadanKamdeva standard. The use of stone components of heavier dimension normally inspired us to placed the temple complex in a close proximity of Salastambha tenure. Thus, issuing a new direction, the circumstantial evidences led to a conclusion that the foundation stone of this majestic temple complex might have been laid down during the 10 th century A.D. or in the last part of the 9 th century A.D. when the ruler like Vanamala of Salastambha had maintained their rule in Kamrupa in a glorious manner. Similarly the Pala rulers, like Ratnapala in repute also seem to have contributed a lot to the construction of this mighty temple complex. While trying to establish linkage between Ratnapala and Madan-Kamdev, we would like to mention here an important conclusion earlier made by one of the eminent scholar of Assam, Rajmohan Nath that king Ratnapala had made a successful attempt in establishing a friendly relation with south Indian kings and in doing that he offered lofty proposal which caused a greater. immigration of people who were either temple labours or job seekers. 43 This proposition is only on the light of invasions made by different south Indian kings in Bengal like Rajendra Chola the great in 1025 A.D., Joyasimha II the son of Rajendra Chola and 43. Nath, R. Op-cit, 1978, p.45.

28 ultimately the Hoihoya king Gangeya Deva, Ratnapala tactfully entered into friendly relation with the Deccan kings, got his son Purandara Pala married to the Hoihoya princes Durlabha and recruited a large number of architects and sculptors from Tanjore, Mysore and Travancore and made 44 them settle in the country. How much authenticity is there in his proposition is yet to be ascertained, but still the discovery of large number of Surya sculptures of south Indian type certainly have instituted a new weightage to his proposition and at the same time, also increase the scope for the involvement of Ratnapala and his recruits in the construction of this mighty temple complex of our concern. B) At Some Other Social Opportunities: Apart from the contribution of these great royal personals or the royal houses, there were some other social opportunities in the Kamrupi society which seems to have played some role in the development of this majestic temple complex at Madan-Kamdev. While trying to explain this proposition, the first point which came to our mind is that from the ritualistic point of view the site of a temple is a Tirtha wherever it is situated.45 From the time immemorial these religious centre or pilgrimage place have played a vital role in the development or growth of a city as well as a kingdom. As for example, the famous temple of goddess Kamakhya was the epicentre of our own ancient kingdom Kamrupa and the country had enjoyed an extension of hundred Yojanas around this temple in all directions. 46 Similarly, the city 44. Ibid. 45. 46. Kramrisch, S.: The Hindu Temple,Vol.I, (1946), 1996, p.5. Das, H.P. Geography of Assam, 1970, p.7.

29 like Hadapesvara developed, centering round a temple, which attracted pilgrims, ultimately giving rise to shop, rest houses and other amenities.47 This type of example, (in Indian prospective) normally inspired the scholar like Kosambi to summerised the matter in the following word that one of the basic character of the medieval temple building activities was that they were usually constructed at the focal centres of the country's political power and thus reflecting on one hand courtly ambition and on the other, the popular cult basis of medieval Hinduism.48 The king and his subordinates always found it politically expedient in promoting the temple as well as monastic organization because the religious sub-ordination of the masses helped the rulers to perpetuate their political authority.49 Thus, the possibility of the emergence of a pilgrim centre as a seat of political or as a seat of commercial enterprises is always there. In case of ancient Assam, however there are very few and ambiguous references to the existence of pilgrim and commercial towns. 51 Accordingly, it is only in the Gachtal inscription of Gopalvarman where we have found the reference of a holy city (punyapuri), named as Hadapyaka.52 Similarly, the famous Dubi copper plate grant has also inform us about the existence of a market town in ancient 53. Assam. Whatever might be the references, a town of commercial 47. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.): Op-cit, 1990, p.244. 48. Kosambi, D.D.: The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India,(1964), 1994, p.196. Nandi, R.N. Social Roots of Religion of Ancient India, 1986, p.99. Lahiri, N. Pre Ahom Assam, 1991, p. 109. 49. 50. 51. Ibid. 52. Gachtal Inscription, v.31. 53. Dubi, C.P. v. 40.

30 enterprises (which may have been a convert of pilgrim town) normally have a favourable location for transportation and communication.54 Thus, the whole matter, concerning to the religious or commercial consideration seem to have played a vital role in creating new cities or to the growth of village into town with improved system of road connectivity. 55 While referring to the question of commercial activities as well as the road connectivity that ancient Assam had with rest of India and abroad, the first interesting point to note is that before the discovery of the land route between India and China through north western part of India and central Asia, Assam was the only corridor to make a communication with China from rest of India. Regarding this, The Priplus of the Erythrean sea of the first century A.D. has also made an indication about the existence of a trade route between north-eastern part of India and south west China.56 Chang Kien, one Chinese explorer, politician, marine officer has made a description that it was atleast from the 2 nd century B.C. there was an unrecognized trade route between Assam and south western parts of China. Giving a new impetus to the whole matter of road connectivity of ancient Assam, P.C. Bagchi has made an interesting comment that Pragjyotisa-Kamrupa stood on a highway leading to China started from Pataliputra.57 Explaining the stresses of the route, he further states that starting from Pataliputra, the ancient capital of India, this road passed by 54. Barua, B.K. : Op-cit (1951), 1969, p.79. 55. Chatterjee, S.K.: Asom Aru Bharat(As), Published in Asomiya Sanskriti, Neog. H. & Gogoi L. (ed.) (1963), 1975.,p.218. 56. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.) Op-cit, 1990, p.258. 57. Bagchi, P.C.: India and China, 1950, p.19.

31 58 59 Champa (Bhagalpur), Kajangala (Rajmahal), Pundravardhana (north Bengal) and thus proceeded to Kamrupa (Gauhati) in Assam. From Assam, this route was divided into three roads towards different directions and of them the first one passes through Patkai rages of hills to Upper Burma, the second route through Manipur into the Chindwin valley and third through the Arakan to Irrawaddy valley; all of them met on the frontier of Burma near Bhamo and then proceeded to southern Chinese province Yunnanfu. In support of his conclusion, the scholar has made the reference to the testimonials of I-tsing and Hiuen Tsang, two famous Chinese traveller belonging to 7 th century A.D. Accordingly, he referred to the report of I-tsing in which the traveller mentioned about the visit of twenty Chinese monk to India by using overland route through Assam during 3 rd century A.D. He further directed our attention to the matter of good road connectivity between ancient Assam and rest of India on the light of an incident described in the life of Hiuen Tsiang 60 that king Harsha of Thaneshwar send a messenger from Kangoda (Ganzam) to Kamrupa; similarly, Bhaskar Varman, the contemporary king of Harsha in Kamrupa, also dispatched a currier in the hand of a messenger from Kamrupa who presented the same to the lord of Thaneshwar at Nalanda, only after two days of his journey from Kamrupa. Reacting to his conclusion, here, we would simply like to add that the highway which he mention to start from Pataliputra was actually a scion or pan Indian expansion of great Central Asian Silk Route, (which) ran to connect China with Mediterranian region. The matter will 58. Ibid. .59. Ibid. 60. Li Hwui-Beal. S(tr.): Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 1911, p. 169.

32 be more clear when we referred to Margiana, an adjoining place of Bactria. It was a transit point for silk coming from the east that was intended for Mediterranian.61 From this point, the road has found an extension towards India through Gandhara. As a result of that Gandhara also became a nodal point for overland trade tapping the Silk 62 Route and eastern Byzantine trading centers. It then extended to Ganga plain through Mathura, from where one part of it marched towards Ujjain to Barygaza in western India and other part ran through Pataliputra 63 and then only to Champa, Rajmahal, Kanrasuvarna, Samatata and ultimately to Kamrupa. On the light of numismatic evidences, Nicholas Rhodes, in one his monograph paper has made a beautiful study about the trade routes of ancient Assam and its territorial extension towards east and west. In this paper, he first highlighted the importance of the Samatata region as it seem to have control two major trade routes, one connecting sea port of Chittagong with Pataliputra (to the north west of Bengal) and other with Kamrupa (to the north east).64 Stressing on the numismatic evidences, he further said that this Samatata region was under the suzerain authority of the Kamrupi king, specially from the time of Kumar Bhaskarvarman to the Salastambha tenure and there seem to have been a good trade connectivity between the two regions. 65 Regarding this it 61. 62. 63. 64. Thapar, R. : Early India, 2002, p.238. Ibid. Davies, C. Collin: An Historical Atlas of the Indian Peninsula, 1949, p.17. Rhodes, N. : The Trade Routes of Early Assam-the leight shed by coinages 2003, NEHA Proceeding, p.46. 65. Ibid., pp.46,50.

33 should also be remembered that after the decline of the old port Tamralipati during the 7 th century A.D., Chittagong emerged as the maritime gateway to Bengal. Whatever may be the fact, Kamrupa either through Tamralipati or through Chittagong seem to have enjoyed a linkage not only with the outer world (specially with the south east Asian region) but also with the rest of India as the road stress forward through Pataliputra to other parts of India (Map No-3). On the other hand towards east, though there were number of routes to connect Kamrupa with upper Burma region, they were not very popular in use because they all have their passage through stiff mountainous tract and dangerous forest region, however, missionary activities, specially after 8 th century A.D. in Tibet, have brought these roads into lime light.66 Thus, all the earlier studies have made it to summarise that Kamrupa had an access to the sea at the point of Tamralipati or at Chittagong which normally intensified the possibilities of its overseas contact with the other part of the world. Similarly, the road leading toward Mathura via Pataliputra (via Tamralipati/Chittagong) have provided Kamrupa and its product with a popular overland opening to the famous central Asian Silk Route. 67 That means two ways accessibility of Kamrupa (either by using water ways or overland 66. Ibid, p.51. 67. Some scholar tried to highlight the importance of Kopili Valley near modern Nagaon as it supposed to have a road linkage with Middle east through China via the great Silk route. Phukan S.K. The Study of Hodonymy, 2001, p.39.

34 routes) at least from the time of Ramayana and Mahabharata 68 brought this country and its economic product into lime light so to find mention in Ptolemy's Geography 69, Periplus of the Erythrean Kautilya's Arthasastra. sea, 70 It is very natural that a road of an international repute when pass through a country, normally have an access to its capital or other important cities. Similarly, the famous highway of our age old time, connecting different important localities of Indian sub continent with China in the east and Mediterranian in the west, while passing through Kamrupa, seem to have enjoyed an approach to its capital cities. Now, regarding the question of capital 68. 69. 70. 71. Earliest reference of Pragjyotishpur-Kamrupa has been found in Ramayana and Mahabharata. The composition of these two epics has been assigned to a wide period, viz., between 4 th century B.C. to 4 th century A.D. The reference of Kamrupa in the two epic proves that Kamrupa was an affordable tract for other Indian communities. Barpujari, H.K.: Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol.I, 1990, p.61. Ptolemy's Geography (middle of the 2 nd century A.D.) mention the name of Kamrupa as Kirrhadia. (Winternitz, M.: A History of Indian Literature, Vol. I, 1927,p.465) Scholars like to define the term as a derivation of the Kirata population in Kamrupa. Majumdar, S.N.: Ancient India as describe by Plolemy, 1927, pp. 191-92 An work of the last quarter of the 1 st century A.D. Kautilya's Arthasastra mention the name of various product from. Kamrupa specially the Tailaparnik K.A. 2/11/61-65 (a resin which when burnt send forth a pleasant smell) Barpujari, H.K.(ed.) Op-cit, Vol.I, 1990, p.61 and other aromatic product of Paralauhitya, (K.A. 2/11/66), along with different silk product mainly Ari and Muga. (K.A.2/11/107-113). These products certainly have huge demand in Indian market, that means these were the item of exportable standard.

35 cities it is interesting that ancient Assam throughout the period of its history had witnessed the existence of four important cities which serve as the seat of government for the country in different times. These were namely Pragjyotishpur (during the tenure of Varman rule), Hadapeshwara (during the Salastambha tenure) Durjaya and Kamrupanagara (during the tenure of Pala rulers) Though the exact location of these capital cities yet to be ascertain, but still the eminent historian Lila Gogoi has made an interesting comment that most of these cities might have been situated on the northern bank of the mighty river Brahmaputra. 72 Accordingly, Scholars now have arrived on an unanimous conclusion that the location of the city of Handapeshwara was in the modern city of Tezpur, on the northern bank of river Brahmaputra. On the other hand, the invincible character of the city of Durjaya rightly make an indication about the existence of this fortified city some where around modern Guwahati i.e. on the southern bank of mighty Brahmaputra. Similarly, though majority number of scholar tried to identify the famous city of Pragjyotishpur on the southern bank of river Brahmaputra, but still there are some scholar like L. Gogoi who would like to assign its location on the norther bank 73 probably because of its easy accessibility. Thus, the matter still remains uncertain and we now have no other alternative but to wait for future archaeological discoveries. The last important city of the list which served as the seat of government for the Kamrupi king was the Kamrupa-nagara. Reference of this city has been found only in the Pushpabhadra 72. Gogai, L. Asomar Sanskriti (As) (1994), 2006, p.73. 73. Ibid.

36 grant of king Dharmapala.74 Regarding location of Kamrupanagara, different scholar has put forwarded different views. - Accordingly, N.N Vasu tried to identified it with Rangpur of modern Maymansing region of Bangladesh. 75 Similarly, depending on an interesting characteristic feature of this inscription that it refuse to mention any reference about the mighty Lauhitya, Scholar like P N Bhattacharyya in his famous book Kamrupasasanavali, tried to identify Kamurpa-nagara with Kamatapur.76 On the other hand, KL Barua however surmises that the capital named as Kamrupanagara was at north Gauhati near the temple Ashwakranta. 77 His proposition is primarily based on a popular tradition as described in Kamrupar Buranji. The tradition goes like that the king Dharmapala, a Kshatriya of Gauda origin, establish his seat of government at Godanta Parvat. 78 The same Buranji, while describing the location of the Kshetra Parvat in and around Gauhati, has confirmed the exact place of Godanta Parvat near Ashwakranta i.e. in modern north Guwahati.79 Apart from that, in support of his view, K L Barua has further tried to indicate some archaeological remains of Pre-Ahom origin as found in north Guwahati.80 In this regard he mention the name of the places like Raja Duar (king's gate), Rangmahal (pleasure palace), Sil-sako (stone bridge) in the greater north Guwahati region as some of the 74. Pushpabhadra grant, v. 20. Vasu, N.N.: The Social History of Kamrup, Vol.I, (Rp) 1990, p.174 Bhattacharya, P.N. (ed.): Kamrupasasanavali, 1338, pp.29-34 Barua, K.L: Op-cit, 1966, p.93. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. Ibid., p.107. 80. Barua, K.L. : Op-cit, 1966, p.93. Bhuyan, S.K.(ed.): Kamrupar Buranji, 1958, p.1.

' .37 other supportive archaeological evidence to his proposition. While supporting his view regarding the location of Kamrupa-nagara as in modern north Guwahati region here, we would simply like to add that the devastating defeat of muslim intruder headerd by Bakhatiyar khilji (1127 AD), in the hand of an unknown Kamrupa king has been recorded in the Kanai Barasi Bowa rock inscription. The very find spot of this rock inscription, in the fond memory of any important incident or occasion, are being preferably engraved in a place of public concern as well as in the area of permanent settlement. 81 On the light of this observation it can also better be said that the very location or the installation place of the Kanai Barasi Bowa rock inscription (which had recoded one of the famous victory of Kamrupi king over a formidable power) must have to be an important place of people's frequent visit or a place of acute public concern. The existence of this famous inscription in north Guwahati, thus, have provided another ground to presume this region at least as a place of political importance or vigorous economic activities with a permanently settled population in and around this locality. It further enhanced the scope to consider this region as being a seat of royalty (the epiccentre of all political and economic activities of a country). Putting a step forward the matter may be sum up in an another way that the inscription has found its installation at the glimpse of the famous highway, which 81. This idea is derived from the writing of Romila Thaper where she tried to mention about the location of Asokan Rock Inscription. Thapar, R.: Op-cit, 2002, p. 179.

38 supposed to have reached the capital city of Kamrupa, any where near the modern north Guwahati region.82 On the light of the above discussion, we would now like to have some idea about the all possible reason behind the existence, construction, nature etc of the majestic temple complex of our concern at Madan-Kamdev in the following stranzes of our study. As stated earlier, the temples are generally constructed at a nodal point of exchange or trade or an administrative centre. 83 In other word, a locality with an epicentre of a temple always be an important place of visit not only for the pilgrims, but also for the merchants and other visitors. Each individuals for the sake of their own respective interest often like stop over in these religious places.84 That means people's visit and that too of divergent social status have not only enhanced the prosperity of the temple 85 but it also change the very character of its surrounding locality. There is enough prospect to convert these localities into business centre with occasional incorporation of some minor or major administrative activities in them. This led them to an ultimate conversion of an urban centre. Similarly, the existence of a majestic temple complex like Madan-Kamdev and different socio-economic activities that 82. However, there is a probability that the inscription was not installed on the side of the main highway but only on the nearby side of the major subordinate ways which were to connect or approach the capital city with the main highway. Thapar, R.: Op-cit, 2002, p. 388. 83. 84. 85. The volume of the people's visit very according to the popularity of the country. The visitors brought not only devotion but also donation. Thapar, R.: Op-cit, 2002, p. 479.

39 suppose to have taken place in and around this locality, normally inspired us to presume it as being a temple nagari just at the outskirt of the capital city of Kamrupa. Regarding its consecration, a question generally came to our mind that why this specific site being selected for the construction of this majestic temple complex. It is know to all that a patron and a stapati of our age old time (even today also) while selecting a site for a temple or a religious monument first examine all requisite qualities of the site, or in other word they would like to investigate whether the site possessed all imperative attributes necessary for a Hindu temple as per the prescribe direction of Indian Silpa cannon. Only after 86. Among the Indian Silpa Cannon Brihat Samhita is the earliest datable source on Vastusastra. (Kramrisch, S. The Hindu Temples, Vol.I, 1996, p.5). Compiled by Barahamihira in the middle of the six century A.D.. This book is based on the authority of master architect whose names are Maya, Visvakarma, Garge and Manu. (Ibid). The treatise prescribed that the temple should be erected where there are water and garden, whather natural or artificial. Iyer, N.G.(tr.): The Brihat Samhita, 1987, p.281. 86 According to Vishnudharmottara Purana the installation of the image of the god i.e. the construction of the temple should be made at the river side, in forest, gardens, at the side of the pond, on the hill tops and in beautiful valley. Shah, P.(tr.) : Vishnudharmottara Purana, 1961, III/XC/II/25-31. Matshya Purna mention the name of 18 Silpacaryas who were generally known as Vastusastropadesaka i.e. instructor in the science of architecture like Bhrigu, Atri, Vasistha Visvakarma etc. (Matshya Purana 252/1-3). Works of a few sages like Visvakarma, Maya etc are now survived and all the others have already been destroyed by the cruel hand of destiny. A stapati has to go through 11 different stages before concluding its final stage of laying foundation stone of a temple. (Bose, P.N.: Principle of Indian Silpasatra, 1978, p.66). The selection of the site is an important stage of the entire process.

40 getting a satisfactory result they went for their construction. Thus, it can be said that as being a scion of Indian aesthetic tradition, Madan-Kamdev have also to pass out of this systematic investigation procedure of our age old time, specially in confirming the location for the construction of this majestic temple complex. However, apart from this traditional method of selection, there must have been some other subsidiary factors which seem to have played their role in consecrating a religions monument in a specific location. As for example, the location of Madan-Kamdev (mainly its catch man area) might have been glorified as because of its nearness to the famous international highway of earlier mention. Putting a step forward it can further be said that this mighty temple complex might have found its location at least near to the point on which a provincial road coming from the side of the capital cities to culminate in the famous highway, 87 or the complex might have been situated near to a 87. Still there is a road connecting NH 52 with north Guwahati started from Bejera via Mandakata hill range, Silsako as indicate in the guide map of our study. This road seem to have a popular existence at one time specially in reference to the invasion of Bakhtiyar Khiliji. This invader might have used the road to make his march towards Kamrupa. As the popular story tells that after crossing Silsako he turned his head towards north i.e. towards Kumarikata (Karamapatan) via Rangia, Tamulpur as K. L. Baura cited from a study Mr. M Bhattasali. (Barua, K.L. Early History of Kamrupa, 1988, p.146) After having stiff resistance from the hill tribes in the north, when he tried to retreat to his original route, he found the broken Silsako which made him desperate to take shelter in a nearby temple of Silsako which supposed to be on the Narasimha Parvat, near the present ruinous temple range of Madan-Kamdev as stated earlier. Thus, the popular existence of the road can only led us to accept the conclusion of T. K. Sarmah.

41 turning point, from where the highway had changed its direction toward Kamrupa-nagara or other important localities of permanently settled population near to the capital city. The 88 existence of a place named as Deoduar or Devaduar (simply to ' mean an entrance gate to the abode of God) just on the other side of the hill range of Madan-Kamdev, have provided us with a ground to presume the matter accordingly. This inference, on the other hand, inspired us to presume Madan-Kamdev as an important socio-economic transit point. Along with all circumstantial evidences, the discovery of different varieties of Surya Sculptures (as will explain later in Chapter III), structural relics of a Buddhist temple (a door lintel with arch) and other monumental relics have further aggravated our presumption in that direction. While trying to explain this hypothesis first we would like to state that the travellers from different parts of Indian subcontinent and from abroad when made their journey to Kamrupa through land route, certainly have come in contact of this place of sceneric beauty at Madan-Kamdev. Like the land route travellers, the visitors who had opted riverine 88. Tracing back the historicity of the name of this place for more than a hundred years (as revealed during the time or our primary investigation), the dictionarical meaning of this Assamese term Deo is respectable person Sir, (Baruah, H.C. : Hemkosh, (1900), 2000, p.515). Similarly, the term Deva also used after the name or title of a respectable person to show reverence. (Ibid). Thus, the term in combine, where duar means gate, may have an implication that it was an entrance point, leading to the abode of some respectable person in the country, who preferably wanted to live in an administrative centre i.e. in the capital cities.

42 route of mighty Brahmaputra also had a scope to enjoy the beauty of this place, specially when we referred to a study made by colonel Shakespear and cited by eminent scholar Amalendu Guha. This study states that the courses of Brahmaputra between 1790 A.D. to 1860 A.D. had been shifted for about fifty miles southward of its present course.89 Thus, the matter may be summerised in the following words that if not fifty miles, at least some minor deviation to the course of Brahmaputra was there (this southward movement of mighty Brahmaputra still proactive in our modern times 90). This has not only push back the location of Kamrupa-nagara further north i.e. towards the direction of Madan-Kamdev, 91 but it also made this temple complex more accessible to our riverine visitors, however, not from the side of Guwahati, but from the side of Barpeta, Hajo and vise versa. statues 92 89. 90. 91. 92. Under such circumstances, the visitor of different social and from different parts of the country and abroad, when Guha, A.: Medieval and Early Colonial Assam, 1991, p.10. In recent past, the famous village Palasbari on the southern bank of Brahmaputra was completely destroyed because of erosions and the south ward movement of the river. The information derives from Pushpabhadra grant, has instituted another supportive evidence to our presumption. Accordingly, the grant, while mention about Kamrupa-nagara (v-20) have made no reference to Lauhitya. This has confirm the location of Kamrupa- nagara not on the bank of river Brahmaputra. Among the visitors, the pilgrims, merchants traders were the most important personals to visit Kamrupa, though incidental appearances of diplomatic mission along with weagon of the royal personals mainly the convoy of the princes were also their. The matter will be more appropriate when we referred to an important characteristic feature of the mercantile activities of Kamrupa. Kamrupa had a self sufficient economy and accordingly major trading activities were mainly generated by export and transit business.

43 made their journey to Kamrupa, either by land or by riverine route, certainly have come in contact of this beautiful locality on the bank of river Swaswati. Nature has sincerely contribute a lot to the sceneric beauty of this locality which impressed the visitor of this temple site, even today also. This imprintment have enough prospect to inspire those capable visitors of our age old time to contribute something to this temple complex, possibly in the fond memory of their visit to Kamrupa and thus intended to extract some religious merit out of their direct or indirect donation. 93 This on the other hand, helped Madan-Kamdev to emerge as a centre of multidimensional aesthetic exposition. In other words, these are some of the main spirit which seem to have work behind the creation of this mighty temple complex. The discovery of the sculptures of different regional varieties (mainly the South Indian type) are the best prove illustration of this fact. Thus, summarizing the matter, upto this stage of our study, it can be said that the mighty Salastambha rulers were the true initiator of the construction of this temple complex. And of them, it was only the Vanamaladeva who was known to be a great constructor as well as an empire builder had the capacity to lay the foundation or to plan about this lustrous temple complex. Like the great Salastambha rulers, the succeeding Palas, certainly of Ratnapala standard might have also contributed a lot in consecrating this temple complex to the public. Apart from that with the passes of time, the temples have also experienced more 93. We used the term direct donation to mean, complete donation for any major construction, and indirect donation to mean partial support or partial assistance to complex to complete a half done work.

44 people's involvement (of different socio-economic standard) mainly because of its nearness to the great international highway and its consequent effect as explained earlier. This not only enhanced the importance of this locality but also aggravated the process of developing this ground as a fertile tract for the exposition of multidimensional aesthetic ideals. The discovery of the ruins of the brick temples on the south-western slope of the MadanKamdeva are the best prove example of the people's participation in the construction of these temples. 94 Thus, the attachment of the people of different socio-economic standard (from different parts of Indian sub continent and even from abroad) certainly change the very character of this locality, which ultimately inspired Dharmapala to shift the site of his capital city to Kamrupa-nagara which was though not at Madan-Kamdev but at least to the vicinity of this temple city. However, all these presumption are based on some indirect evidences and at present we have no other alternative but to wait for a systematic exploration, not only in the temple complex but also in the nearby localities, so to have more authentic explanation or to verify all those proposition made out of our investigation. 94. PC Sarma proposed that it was from the last part of 10 th century A.D. to 12 th century A.D Assam had witnessed a prolific stage of temple construction. It was during this stage the size of the temples became smaller and the construction was also surmised to lower quality stone and brick. Sarma, P.C. : Asomar Sesh Madhyajugar Mandir Sthaptya(As), 2005, p.3. Brick has an utilitarian nature, it is economical comparing to stone. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.): Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol.III,2003, p. 332. That means, the people of less economical efficiency has normally preferred brick construction instead of stone, specially because of its less financial involvement. Guha, A.: Medieval and Early Colonial Assam, 1991, p.10.