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Sharing these greater Indian socio-cultural supplement with probable addition subtraction here and there, it is interesting to observe that the erotic sculptures available to the religious shrines in Assam, are not so acute and concentric in nature as we observed in Khajoraho, Konark etc places. But, fortunately at Madan-Kamdev, for the first time, we have found a continuous recess of erotic embellishment of significant varieties which are quite uncommon to any other religious shrines in Assam. From the time immemorial, Kamrupa (one of the ancient name of Assam along with Pragjyotishpur) is better known to Hindu India as a land of magic and witchcraft with its famous tantric shrines of Kamakhya. For centuries, this tract of land remained primitive and it was known as the strong hold of different Kirata groups. The kiratas are being identified in Periplus of Erythraen Sea as the race of a man who had the flattened nose and are 51 52 50 savage in nature. The Kalika Purana also describe them as the yellow skinned men, strong, ferocious and addicted to meat and drink. 53 This indirectly proved the Mongolian predominancy in Kamrupa. However, it is now confirmed that along with the. Mongolian stoke, divergent non Aryan racial elements like Negritos, 50. 51. 52. 53. Kakati, B.K. : Mother Goddess Kamakhya, 1989, p.1. Kiratairblivi ca basitah Kalika Purana 38/96. Schoff W.H.(tr.): The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, 1912,p.47. Rukmastanibhanstatra Kiratan Jnanabajjitan Anartha munditan madyamanssnai katyaparana Kalika Purana 38/96.

164 Australoid, Alpine etc are also here in Assam to contribute in the ultimate evolution and development of different social group and culture 54 of north eastern India. Due to thick forestry and extreme climatic condition, the Aryan migration was sluggish to this region. Thus, the primitiveness or more appropriately the age long tribal character of Assamese society has itself provided the necessary ingredient in emerging out this region as the main centre of Tantric sadhana or a land of astonishing magical practices to attain moksa. In support of this view, it can further be stated that majority number of popular Tantric believes like stambhan (stoppage of action), vasikaran, ushatan (excitation), demon-devil, dakini-yoyine, yantramantra, alchemy (herbal medicine) even the magical efficacy of maithuna etc are non Aryan at their origin and all of them are later being received by the Varnashrami vedic people with due 'Sanskritic' initiatives in them and ultimately these became the part and partial of Hindu religion at large. 55 Whatever might be the fact, the local religion in 57 56 Kamrupa was the Kirataz. The absence of asceticism celibacy and protected vow, along with fish and flesh eating, use of madya (drink) free association with women and sexual intercourse, are some of the phenomenal characteristic feature of Kirata Dharma 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. Barpujari, H.K.(ed.): Comprehensive History of Assam, Vol.I, 1990, p.24. : Shastri, M. Purani Asomar Dharma(Ass), 1990, pp.56-58. Sabbasi zoginipithe dharmma kiratajh mata Yogini Tantra , 2/9/9. Kamarupe Na Sannyasn Tatha Dhighatmn Priye Na Tyajya Samisn devi Brahmcajyamatan Na Ca Ibid. 2/9/14. Yonidosang Panadosang na ganyate Ibid, 2/9/11. 58

165 prevailed in Kamrupa. All these have made it confirmed that Assam (Kamrupa) was a land of 'natural instincts' in which along with others, the infinite varieties of sexual relationship and the sexual freedom 61 60 59 have given a wide berth to Vamacara practices. Putting a step forward it can further be stated that Kamrupa was the main centre of Tantric Vamacara practices in which five ma-karas are physically or literally applied. The Vamacara sadhana can simply be defined as an actual Tantric practice with due emphasis on physical availability of ma-karas. And that because of its realistic appropriation it might have been more esoteric in nature comparing to Samayacara, the only other Tantric procedure, in broader sense of term where the five ma-karas are used in principle and the purpose is served by simple symbolic substitute of the same. 62 63 As mentioned earlier depending on the secret nature of Tantric practices, Devangana Desai refused to recongise the erotic sculpture to the Indian shrines, specially of late 9 th century as a Tantric art and instead of that she preferred to call them as an art produced under the influence of Tantric rites. Supporting her observation, here we would simply like to add that Assam is a land of the both form (Vamacara and Samayacara) of Tantric practices and accordingly, the people of this tribal dominated region look to be acquainted more with Tantric ideologies,. comparing to the other parts of greater India. At the same time, people of this region are also highly devoted to those performances 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. Kakati, B.K.: Op-cit, 1989, p.47. Shastri, Op-cit, 1990, p.82. Barpujari, H.K.: Op-cit, 1990, p.317. Ibid. Desai, D. Op-cit, p.200.

166 as majority of them (Pro Tantric religious rites) often have their identities with the formative part of the mother goddess Kamakhya, i.e. her Yoni and Yoni mandala. During our interacting session with some Purohita of Kamakhya temple, we have an interesting information that even today also some of the secret Tantric performances on the line of an age old tradition are being practice in Kamakhya 'mahapitha', however, these are now all at their lowest possible level. The secretness of all these Tantric rites specially, the maithuna or the part of ritualistic sexual inter course and the high sense of people's devotion have never stand in support of their exposition, the result was the scantily available erotic scene to the all religious shrines in Assam in general. 64 In this regard, the condition of feudal lords, (one of the main spirit, that work behind all the erotic embellishment of Indian religious shrine, as stated earlier) was also slightly different here in Assam comparing to other parts of India. Known to have receive its early incentives at the time of Bhutivarman, as it revealed from Nidhanpur Copper plate grant of Kumar Bhaskar Varman, the symptom of feudalism became more acute during the Salastambha period, from when the feudal lords started to have enjoyed more power on land in a proper sense of term; they became the lord of their estates which were given to them in lieu of payment in cash, the same condition prevailed however, in a more vigorous form during the Pala period. Leaving aside these chronological development, feudalism in Assam was mainly concentrated to the migratory Brahmin or to other high caste 64. Nidhanpur C.P. :vv. 34-54. 65 65. Dutta, M.R. Eary Assam from Jum to Feudalism, 1996, p. 103.

67 66 167 communities who were the propagator of Aryadharma in this tribal dominated region. The people, in broader sense, the north Indian immigrants acted as pioneer in underdeveloped localities, they first brought plough agriculture to replace slash and burn cultivation or food gathering. New crops, knowledge of distant markets, organization of village settlement and trade also came with them. As a result kings or kings to be, invited brahmin, generally from distant Gangatic basin, to settle in unopened, localities. These introductions, namely the plough base agriculture has slowly change the socio-economic structure of early Assam, which indirectly help in evolving out a new class of feudal lords. And that was the chief of the small tribal kingdoms, (of the plain) who after being accustomed with new economic standard of life, virtually found themselves in a transforming status of feudal lords under the suzerain authority of Kamrupi kings. Thus, basically there are two type of feudal lords, the Brahmin or north Indian immigrator who had enjoyed the kings favour specially in the name of opening up new settlement with the help of new technique that they bring with them to this distant land and the tribal chiefs, some of whom even enjoyed suzerain status in Kamrupa. The later fact is proved when we have found that first two historically recongised royal dynestics in KamrupaBhauma-Naraka and the Salastambha are of tribal or no Aryan origin mainly of Proto Mongoloid (Kirata) and the mlechha respectively. 66. 67. 68. 68 Bhagavatau dharmashya Nidhanpur C.P., v. 46. Dutta, M.R. Op-cit, 1996, p.71. Barpujari, H.K.: Op-cit, 1990, pp.203-04.

168 These are actually the well known parts of the whole process of Aryanisation or Sanskritisation, started in Kamrupa, as according to the majority number of scholar not earlier than the 69 t 5 th century A,D. However, this type of conclusion looks to be more rigid one, specifically when the matter is concern to the question of migration, the most persisting natural phenomenon of human civilization. From the time immemorial people migrates from one region to other, the vigorous intensity of which sometime have caused serious socio-political problem, as perceived now in many parts of the world. The determination of time is the most confusing task often assigned with the question of migration and it is interesting that no satisfactory solution ever be exemplified anywhere in the world on that matter except some hypothetical assumption. Accordingly, the question regarding the age of Aryan migration to Assam has also equipped with lot more confusion and uptil now no amicable solutions is there and the controversy still continued. Without entangling ourselves much into the controversy, we here, simply tied to state that the Aryan migration to Assam must have a remote antiquity, signal of which is available at least from the first century A.D. The reference of Kamrupa and its people in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea, which was known to be composed in the later half of the first century A.D. is the best possible support of this conclusion. Unless and until the land of the Brahmaputra Valley was frequented to the greater Indian immigrants, no attraction certainly be left for the classical writer 69. Ibid, p.201. 70 70. Ibid, p.205.

169 71 to make any reference about Kamrupa. Apart from that the reference of Lauhitya and some of its economic product to the pages of Kautilya's Arthasastra has also proved that by the time of the Mauryan Empire, Kamrupa became an important a part of greater Indian economic zone. While considering its contemporarily, it should however be remembered that the process of the edition and re-edition of Arthsastra was continued upto the 3 rd/4 th century A.D. In this regard, it can further be presumed that specially the Mauryan religious policy and than the political instability that India had witnessed after the collapse of the same, seem to have expedite the process of the immigration of the Vedic Arayan towards the remotest corner of India. And one such proud recipient of this immigration of Vedic people was the Kamrupa, signal of which thus available if not from earlier but at least from the first century A.D. Survival, was the most perineal question for the newcomer who are small in number and tried to have the same simply by showing respect to the aboriginal or tribal religious culture which are more or less based on some primive magical items. In doing that they however, have instituted a new fillip to the traditional religious culture of this region certainly by introducing some Sanskritic element in them. The mythological story of Naraka and his role in the evolution of Mother Goddess Kamakhya is the best proved example of this process of assimilation where Naraka has played the role of a harbinger of Aryan culture to this land. 71. K.A., 2/11

170 This was the earliest phase of Aryanisation to this land when the feudalism though not have gained its ground but still the on going process has duly increased the adoptability of Vedic culture among the tribal commoners. At the same time, some of the tribal magical elements also seem to have found their incorporation in the Vedic rituals and they all became the essential the item of so called Brahmanical rites. For centuries this process of assimilation was continued which on one hand strengthen the dominancy of Brahmanical culture in this tribal dominated land and on the other it also concentrate the Tantric atmosphere of actual practices of the Vamacara procedure. With all these development, the actual phase of feudalism was however started only after the 5 th century A.D. when the influence of Kamrupa over north eastern India, after the fall of the imperial power of the Guptas caused the migration of a large number of 72 brahman to Kamrupa. The Kamrupi kings have provided the best possible support to those migrated Brahman, in other word, the kings adopted a systematic policy (as it revealed to the Nidhanpur Copper Plate inscription) for the settlement of those Brahman in the kingdom by gift of land in the shape of an agrahara to further their religious pursuits. 73 By the time of 5 th century A.D. the socio-religious condition of Kamrupa was also changed with increasing popularity of Brahmanical culture in this region. Already the peoples became aware of these Brahmanical rites and rituals in which the aboriginal 72. 73. Barua, B.K. : A Cultural History of Assam, 1986, pp.116-17. Ibid, p.117.

171 tribal communities have also found their own religious pursuits. Under such circumstances, the people migrated from a caste ridden society certainly have tried to maintained their class distinction. For their survival this time there was no need of any compromise as they now have the support of royal house, the supreme authority of the state and above all throughout the century, they have successfully emerged as an influential group in this land. To have their class distinction, they preferred to use the same assimilated religious form evolved by their own ancestor long before the centuries. The assimilated religious form more or less Tantric in nature where emphasis being given to the magical as well as the free sexual culture as stated earlier. This time they have tried to maintain the purity of these well emerging Tantric rituals of the process of the assimilation with an esoteric mechanism to keep people apart from understanding the actual problems of their life and helped to Brahman and the feudals in fulfilling their two purposes, sexual appetite and the war. 74 In India, the feudal lords and the royal communities have always been recognized as two of the primary spirit for all type of religious construction. These constructions on one hand while served the purpose of their religious pursuits at the same time these are also the matter of their social status or the symbol of their power and wealth. Above all, the temples and their arts have been remembered as the true reflector of the taste and the outlook of these two well responsible communities of acncient Indian society. In other word, it can be said that despite of their 75 74. Dutta, M.R. 75. Op-cit, 1996, p. 131. Desai, D. Op-cit, p.40.

172 real obligation to the silpa cannon, the artist who were employed for all these constructions must have intended to satisfy the mind of their patronizer at their best possible ways. Accordingly, Kamrupa, a highly pro-active region for actual Tantric practices, the patroniser and even the commoners are well acquainted with the esoteric nature of these religious performances. After the 5 th century A.D., the fresh batches of migrated brahmin, majority of whom though have enjoyed almost a feudal status, attempted to have the purity i.e. the much talked secrecy of their class distinction. Under such circumstances, the emerging feudal lords of Brahmin by-caste along with the purohita, the most indispensable part for all type of religious activities in the temple, have never inspired the employed artist to make these secret performances, exposed to the wall and thus to the visitor of the temples. The only other major patronising half for all these construction i.e. the Royal communities were also highly impressed with this perennial concept of 'purity' and accordingly they also emphasized not to carry out these erotic elements to the walls of the temples. At the same time the common peoples are also highly devoted to those Tantric ideals as these are all chiefly engaged around the cult of mother goddess Kamakhya, Tamreshwari etc. Thus, in Kamrupa no inspirations are there from any corner of the society for the artist to work along with the erotic scenes which are more or less the brain storm of Tantric sadhana to the temple of this region. Under such circumstances a question naturally arise that if there was no inspiration for the artist from any corner of the society, then why these erotic embellishment, though limited

173 in number, survived to the temple like Madan- Kamdeva. Regarding this question it can be said that by the time of 9 th century A.D the erotic imageries, both mithuna, maithna, bestiality along with other sexual representation have emerged as the essential silpa cannon for any Indian temple structure. As the scion of the greater Indian architectural tradition, the essentiality of these erotic imageries have certainly been realized for all the temple scheme here in Assam also. But the social obligation primarily the pro-Tantric exposition of erotic sculpture often allowed them to have their slot only to the unimportant corners of the temple as it being exemplified here at Madan-Kamdev where the erotic imageries are being relegated chiefly to the narathara section, an unimportant place of the main temple plinth. Again, because of the small sizes of these erotic imageries, it is also not possible to treat them aesthetically. Thus by providing less important places and accordingly small sizes to the erotic imageries, our age old artist had tried to make an amicable solution of two of their perrineal problem i.e. their real obligation to the silpa cannon and simultaneously to satisfy the mind of their patronizer. The success of these two mechanism have duly been realised at MadanKamdeva. It is because of their attachment primarily to the less important places of the temple and also because of their small. sizes the erotic imageries at Madan-Kamdev often escape the sight of the general visitor and they still remain unexposed under an exposed state of condition.