Hindu Pluralism
by Elaine M. Fisher | 2017 | 113,630 words
This thesis is called Hindu Pluralism: “Religion and the Public Sphere in Early Modern South India�.—Hinduism has historically exhibited a marked tendency toward pluralism—and plurality—a trend that did not reverse in the centuries before colonialism but, rather, accelerated through the development of precolonial Indic early modernity. Hindu plur...
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The Sectarianization of Classical Knowledge Systems
[Full title: “Transgressing the Boundaries� of Disciplinarity: The Sectarianization of Classical Knowledge Systems]
By the sixteenth century in south India, as with the majority of the subcontinent, the idea of newness had thoroughly captivated intellectual discourse—whether novelty of form, substance, or indeed of scholarly methodology. It is no accident, in fact, that schools of thought whose very names proclaimed the virtue of newness had come into sudden vogue across sectarian lines. Such is the case, most notably, with Navya ⲹ, or “New Dialectics,� an emergent discipline whose influence reached nearly every corner of Sanskrit intellectual discourse, sectarian theology being no exception.
Take, for instance, the following aphorism, cited by the theologian Nārāyaṇācārya in his 屹ٲԲ (The armageddon of Advaita), a systematic diatribe countering the Madhvatantramukhamardana (Crushing the face of Madhva’s doctrine) of the ٲ-Ś polymath Appayya īṣiٲ:
Statements endowed with logical reasoning are admissible even from a child.
Anything else should be abandoned like grass, even if spoken by .[1]
According to Nārāyaṇācārya, what Appayya lacked, succinctly, was logical reasoning. As an outspoken proponent of Madhva’s Dvaita (dualist) theology, Nārāyaṇācārya embarked on his polemical project, the 屹ٲԲ, not merely to defend a dualist model of ontology but also to champion the revolutionary dialectical models of Navya ⲹ philosophy. Navya ⲹ, although perhaps better known for its origin and efflorescence in Bengal following the influential thirteenth-century ղٳٱԳ峾ṇi (Crest jewel of principles) of Ҳṅgś, had made a second home for itself among the prominent logicians of the lineage, who were justly renowned by contemporaries for their unsurpassed mastery of the discipline. This trend perhaps reached its zenith under the pioneering dialectical endeavors of ղ īٳ, whose metaphysical tracts, with such names as the 峾ṛt (The nectar of logic) and the ղ첹ṇḍ (The dance of reasoning), began to evoke an invariable concomitance between Navya ⲹ and the tradition itself. In subsequent generations, ղ īٳ was succeeded by prolific scholars such as Vijayīndra īٳ, who continued the Navya ⲹ legacy with his ⲹ- ܰپ첹, ⲹ- ṅg, Nyāy 徱辱,[2] among many others—which, even when not directly concerned with formal logic, relentlessly evoke the semiotic authority of the “New Dialectics.�
Even outside of the ղṣṇ fold, critics of Madhva’s doctrine gravitated toward the predilection for formal logic, seizing every opportunity to impugn the rationality of the school’s founder. Among the most memorable critiques of Madhva’s dualism, Appayya īṣiٲ’s Madhvatantramukhamardana caricatures Madhva as no less than an intellectual fraud, delusional enough to believe himself an incarnation of the wind god, . Appayya further contends that among the scriptural passages Madhva cites, many were simply fabricated out of thin air (svakapolakalpita, or literally, “fashioned from his own cheek�),[3] and the remainder interpreted so tortuously as to defy even the limits of plausibility.
He elaborates:
“Such Ṛgvedic mantras are demonstrated to refer to the triad of incarnations of that he himself has made up, and so forth—thus we witness the wholesale transgression of the boundaries of reasonable authority [峾ṇi첹DZṅgԲ.�[4]
Appayya then continues to adduce a version of the very aphorism s themselves cite with pride, censuring not merely the theological doctrine of his opponents but equally their attachment to logical reasoning as the cornerstone of academic inquiry.
Now, on the principle “Speech endowed with reason is to be accepted, not [mere] venerability,� we would give credit to his doctrine if we could discern in it anything reasonable. But such is not the case. For, generally, in his doctrine, statements that are ascertained from his own heart alone are supported, rather than commonly held principles. And those principles that are exhibited are extremely carelessly observed, applied here and there at will. Even the boundaries of ū īṃs are led astray through interpretations of disharmony [峾ñᲹⲹ]. Generally speaking, words are used completely inappropriately. His versification cannot possibly be construed syntactically, and more often than not the meters do not exist.[5]
While railing against the methodological preoccupations of his opponents, Appayya reveals his own disciplinary leanings as well. Although considered by all a polymath—a master of all disciplines (sarvatantrasvatantra)—Appayya, to the best of our knowledge, never once composed a treatise on formal logic. Rather, he cultivated a particular expertise in the field of īṃs, or Vedic exegesis, a discipline that had centuries before attained the status of a general hermeneutics, its principles adopted widely across the Sanskrit knowledge systems. Beyond developing a simple mastery of the field, Appayya also pioneered a sustained inquiry into the status of īṃs as a discipline, negotiating the complexity of its relationship with ձԳٲ philosophy, or Uttara īṃs.[6] Despite the discursive prestige accorded to Navya ⲹ terminology by the sixteenth century, his prose shows few traces of its unmistakable philosophical idiom.[7] And perhaps most tellingly, with his provocatively titled treatise on īṃs, the վⲹԲ (The elixir of injunction), Appayya proclaimed to his contemporaries that the entire discipline of īṃs was in need of resuscitation—and that he, specifically, would provide the remedy.[8]
In short, Appayya’s primary concern, beyond Madhva’s alleged carelessness with source criticism, is that the integrity of the boundaries—or the operative rules—of īṃs hermeneutics not be compromised through haphazard textual interpretations. By describing Madhva’s reading strategies as “disharmonious� (峾ñᲹԲ), Appayya further demarcates himself as an avowed insider in īṃs hermeneutics: the principle of 峾ⲹⲹ, or “harmony,� is a īṃs첹 axiom that requires interpreters, wherever possible, to understand texts as harmonious intentional communications, free from internal contradiction. Such subtle gestures were by no means lost on his contemporaries. Given that their ٲ-Ś opponent had so thoroughly identified himself with the inner workings of the īṃs system, they began to look for strategies to dismantle not merely Appayya’s own arguments but also the very universality of īṃs’s hermeneutical apparatus.
What precisely was the relationship, then, between faith and formal logic, Ś scripture and īṃs exegesis? Disciplinarity, it seems, was no longer coterminous with the object of inquiry for the Sanskrit knowledge systems in early modern south India. One did not become a īṃs첹, in this climate, merely to understand the meaning of the Vedas, nor a ⾱첹 to master syllogistic reasoning. Rather, by the sixteenth century, during the floruit of Appayya īṣiٲ, the first stages of a sectarianization of the means of knowledge took place, as discipline-specific approaches to textuality came to be claimed as the property of competing religious traditions. To be a theologian in this period, one had little choice but to apply oneself to the study of Navya ⲹ; and over the course of time, īṃs acquired an intimate association with the social circles of the ٲ-Śs, such that by the following centuries prominent s expressed a wholehearted disdain for the interpretive maxims of īṃs philosophy.
By the time of Vijayīndra īٳ, a genuine skepticism had begun to arise in circles concerning the general applicability of īṃs hermeneutics. Although Vijayīndra himself had authored works of the īṃs school, he evidently felt no compunction, as did Appayya, regarding the “transgressing� of its “boundaries� in the service of Dvaita theology.
In his ճܰīⲹśṇḍԲ (Crushing the transcendent-fourth Ś), for instance, Vijayīndra even celebrates the virtue of transgressing īṃs첹 boundaries, which, he contends, was in fact a deliberate and strategic decision on the part of the school:
It is unreasonable to say that the boundary of ū īṃs is led astray by such improper application. By saying that the statements of our Teacher [Madhva] were arrived at merely by his own fancy, one acts like a frog in a well. Only the principles shown by our Teacher possess the fortitude of intellect, and not those shown by others. The disharmonious application of the boundaries of ū īṃs is in fact precisely our doctrine.[9]
It is Nārāyaṇācārya, however, who finally threw down the gauntlet, in his 屹ٲԲ, calling for the wholesale rejection of īṃs첹 reading strategies outside of the narrow confines of Vedic ritual exegesis. Structured as a systematic counterattack on Appayya’s Madhvatantramukhamardana, the 屹ٲԲ rejects each one of Appayya’s allegations in turn, including the notorious issue of Madhva’s recovery—or fabrication—of little-known scriptures. As one may predict, Nārāyaṇācārya was prepared with an equally incisive counterattack for each of Appayya’s allegations, attempting to renegotiate the limits of what constitutes acceptable scriptural authority and how we can reliably trust the authenticity of an attested source. In making his case, Nārāyaṇācārya exhibits much of the heightened philological sensitivity marshaled by his near contemporary, ī첹ṇṭ īṣiٲ, in his Śtattvarahasya, never hesitating to bring critical scrutiny to fundamental questions of source criticism.
Take, for instance, the question of metrical flaw, still employed today as a key text-critical principle for determining whether a verse or text has been modified or poorly transmitted over the centuries. Madhva’s sources, Appayya tells us, are consistently riddled with metrical errors; thus, we are forced to doubt the faithfulness of their transmission and, as a result, their reliability as authoritative scripture. Nārāyaṇācārya takes a firm and principled stand on the matter based on the legacy of classical Sanskrit metrics, claiming that an innumerable array of variant verse forms are in fact metrically permitted, and, hence, a deviant metrical form cannot be reliably accepted as a criterion for the corruption of a verse. In fact, he reminds us quite correctly that the Ѳٲ is full of metrically deviant verses, all of which are accepted equally as authoritative by his contemporaries.
He elaborates:
For instance, the meter known as Ჹī consists of twelve syllables, and there are 4,096 mutually distinct subtypes because of their derivations based on their sequential formation of heavy and light syllables. Names, such as ṃśaٳ, drutavila mbita, and so forth, have been designated for a few among them. Such is the case for a single meter; as there may be a greater number of syllables in a given meter, an individual meter may exceed a lakh [of subtypes]. And as for those [well-known] meters such as śūīḍiٲ and , these are applied specifically per verse or per foot. It is not that a single specific meter is demanded by all four lines of a verse.[10]
On the question of metrical flaw, Nārāyaṇācārya is by no means timid in attempting to disarm not only Appayya’s arguments but even his principal tools of textual interpretation. What engages his attention throughout the majority of the 屹ٲԲ, however, is not metrics but īṃs. Preoccupying himself with the analytical power of īṃs maxims, and the limits of their applicability, Nārāyaṇācārya calls into question the essential nature of disciplinarity in Sanskrit śٰ and the extratextual sectarian significance of disciplinary divisions. Appayya, for his part, being an accomplished īṃs첹 with an ingenious sense of the hermeneutic potential of īṃs strategies of interpretation, launches his attacks on Madhva by way of highly specific īṃs첹 principles. Take, for instance, the first verse of the Madhvatantramukhamardana—quite likely intended both as an intellectual witticism and as a genuine attack on the scriptural foundations of dualist theology.
He writes,
To those who define the subject of the ūٰ as “Ś� or վṣṇ,�
It is agreed—we who worship Ծṇa brahman accept the ṇa as well.
Little contradiction arises for us, who know the na hi ԾԻ maxim.
Nor should any other interpretation of the ūٰ be suppressed by you.[11]
The na hi ԾԻ maxim is an interpretive principle paraphrased directly from the īṃssūtrabhāṣya (2.4.20) of Ś, who aims to resolve the potential contradictions in ritual procedure resulting from Vedic passages that appear to censure (ԾԻ) a particular sequence of actions. Such blame, Ś contends, does not prohibit what seems to be prohibited, but rather simply allows room for some other possibility.
As he writes,
“Blame, after all, is not employed to blame the blameworthy, but rather to praise something other than what is blamed (na hi ԾԻ nindya� ninditu� prayujyate, ki� tarhi ninditād itarat praśaṃsitum). As such, what is understood is not a prohibition of what is blamed but rather an injunction of something else.�[12]
Appayya, for his part, extracts the na hi ԾԻ maxim from its Vedic ritual context and adapts it for the resolution of apparent logical contradictions in other scriptures, such as the sectarian ʳܰṇa and the ūٰ. Any scriptural statement that appears to castigate either Ś or վṣṇ—or even to deny the nondualistic nature of the world—may simply be interpreted as an optional, contingent description of the true state of affairs. Individual deities, for example, may be equated with the nondual brahman as ṇa manifestations on the force of this same maxim. Apparently exasperated by this approach, Nārāyaṇācārya not only maintains that Appayya’s particular uses of īṃs hermeneutics are inapplicable as a critique of Madhva’s doctrine of dualism, or as a means to determine the identity of or difference between Ś and վṣṇ, but he also goes much further and throws into question the more general validity of ū īṃs itself as an approach to textual interpretation outside of the narrow confines of Vedic ritual procedure.
As he remarks aphoristically in one of his verses:
“īṃs, set forth to resolve the contradiction among statements occupying the peak of scripture, is in this case entirely fruitless.�[13]
By reducing the consequences of the na hi ԾԻ maxim to absurdity, what Nārāyaṇācārya aims to elucidate is the danger involved in haphazardly applying hermeneutical principles without careful attention to what those principles logically entail. When any critical statement can be explained away as optionality, scripture is rendered unable to negate heretical doctrines in simple, declarative statements. Even genuine philosophical refutation becomes logically impossible. By thus attempting to outlaw īṃs reading practices in the arena of sectarian debate, Nārāyaṇācārya reveals the growing division between the very tools of textual interpretation employed by rival sectarian traditions. In fact, rather than agreeing on a single shared medium for debate, the two rival traditions began to demarcate certain textual approaches as essentially their own property, distancing themselves from attack and counterattack by attempting to invalidate their opponents� reading practices. In fact, Nārāyaṇācārya enthusiastically accepts Appayya’s allegations that Madhva “transgresses the boundaries� of īṃs, construing this transgressive maneuver as the culmination of the school’s mastery of syllogistic logic. No school of philosophy, even īṃs, he argues, ought to be accepted as the arbiter of all intellectual activity.
Were this the case, one who failed to accept the primacy of “primordial matter� (ṛt) would “transgress� the precepts of the ṅkⲹ school of philosophy, and one who failed to accept the ontological inherence of properties in objects would “transgress� the principles of ղśṣi첹.
And as for the claim that even the boundaries of ū īṃs are being led astray by improper argumentation, then our response is that we are not the servants of the ū īṃs첹s. We’ll proceed with whatever boundaries we like. But rather�
Statements endowed with logical reasoning are admissible even from a child. Anything else should be abandoned like grass, even if spoken by .
Based on this principle, we accept what is reasonable, and we abandon what is unreasonable. This is an ornament, not a fault, for those who propound independent systems of thought. Otherwise, by failing to accept the ontological category of inherence, one would transgress the boundaries of ṇād’s [ղśṣi첹] system, and by failing to accept the primacy of ṛt, one would transgress the boundaries of ṃkⲹ; thus, we by no means consider this a fault. But rather, how could we not perceive you yourself—who have accepted the singularity of the self, the universal brahman, the falsehood of the world, and the fact that the Veda teaches falsehood—as having transgressed the boundaries of all systems apart from the Buddhists.[14]
In short, Nārāyaṇācārya turns Appayya’s allegation on its head—transgressing the hermeneutics of ū īṃs is no fault at all but rather a dearly held principle of argumentation and interpretation. Despite—or perhaps even because of—the vehemence of his argumentation, Nārāyaṇācārya manages both to solidify the boundaries between their respective sectarian communities and, in the process, to draw widespread scrutiny across sectarian boundaries to the very reading practices that had been taken for granted for centuries as the foundations of textual interpretation. As a result, the source material of sectarian debate became the source of a widespread reconsideration of textual interpretation itself, as intellectuals from all camps contributed to an incisive reconsideration of just how the texts they had long taken for granted really do mean what we think they mean.
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
[2]:
The ī辱, for instance, is, remarkably, a treatise of the īṃs school of Vedic hermeneutics, about which more will be said below. The fascination with the homonymy of the term Բⲹ as “logic� and Բⲹ as a “maxim� of īṃs hermeneutics is perhaps no accident.
[3]:
See Mesquita (2000, 2008) for the controversy on the authenticity of Madhva’s scriptural citations.
[4]:
ityādiṛgvedamantrasya svakalpitavāyvavatāratrayaparatayā pradarśanam ity ādiprāmāṇikamaryādollaṅghana� bhūya� saṃdṛśyate. Appayya īṣiٲ, Madhvatantramukhamardana, pg. 11.
[5]:
athāpi yuktiyܰٲ� vaco ⲹ� na tu puruṣagauravam iti nyāyena tanmata� śraddadhīmahi yadi tatropapanna� 쾱ṃc ākalayema. na tv evaṃprāyeṇa hi tanmate svamātrahṛdayārūḍhāni vacanāny evopajīvyāni na tu nyāyā�. ye tu nyāyā� pradarśitās te ‘py atyantaśithilā eva kvacit kvacid ś�. pūrvamīmāṃsāmaryādā ‘py 峾ñᲹԲ nītā. prāyeṇāsādhubhir eva śabdair ⲹ�. ślokaracanāyām anvayāsaṃbhavo vṛttāny athābhāvaś cādhika�. Appayya īṣiٲ, Madhvatantramukhamardana, pg. 11.
[6]:
See Pollock (2004) for a discussion and partial translation of the work in question, the ūdzٳٲīṃs屹岹Բṣaٰ, or “The Milky Way of Discourses on ū and Uttara īṃs,� in Pollock’s translation.
[7]:
Diaconescu (2012), for instance, has observed that Appayya’s language shows remarkably little Navya ⲹ inflection, without, however, inquiring into why this might be the case.
[8]:
See also McCrea (2008) on the extensive discourse, both critical and approbative, generated in response to Appayya’s provocative theses.
[9]:
pūrvamīmāṃsakamaryādāsāmañjasyenaiva nīyateti tad ayuktam. asmadācāryodāhṛtavacanāni svamātrahṛdayārūḍhānīti vadan kūpamaṇḍūkāyate. asmadācāryapradarśitanyāyānām eva matidārḍhya� na parasparadarśitānām. pūrvamīmāṃsakamaryādāsāmañjasya� cāsmanmata eva. Vijayīndra īٳ, ѲٲԳٰܰūṣaṇa, GOML, Madras, Ms. No. 15446, fol. 6.
[10]:
yathā dvādaśākṣarā Ჹī 峾 ṛtٲ� tasyāś ca gurulaghuprakriyāvyutpādanena parasparāsaṃspṛṣṭā� catvāri sahasrāṇi ṣaṇṇavatiś ca bhedā bhavanti. tadantaḥpraviṣṭānā� katipayānā� ṃśaٳdrutavilambitādaya� ṃjñ� ṛt�. evam ekasya chandasa ete, yathā yathā chandokṣarāṇām adhikatva� bhavati tathā tathā lakṣādhikaprastāram ekaika� ṛtٲ� bhavati. yāny api śūīḍiٲdīni vṛttāni tāni ca ślokapādaparyāptāny eveti Ծⲹ�. na tu tad eva ṛtٲ� ślokasya pādacatuṣṭaye ‘py apekṣaṇīyam ity asti. tena—sarvair devaiś ca bhaktyai� svanimiṣanayanai� kautukādvīkṣyamāṇa� pāyāc cheṣagarutmadādidivijai� saṃsevita� sva� padam. ity atra ādyapāde dvitīyapāde ca śūīḍiٲm. 屹ٲԲ, pg. 51.
[11]:
[12]:
na hi ԾԻ nindya� ninditu� prayujyate. ki� tarhi ninditāditarat praśaṃsitum. tatra na ninditasya pratiṣedho gamyate, kiṃtv itarasya �.
[14]:
yad api pūrvamīmāṃsāmaryādāpy asāmañjasyena nītety ܰٲ�, tad apy ܰٲ� na hi ⲹ� ūīṃs� 쾱ṃk�. yattanmaryādayaiva vartemahi. ki� tu—yuktiyuktam ܱⲹ� Բ� bālakād api | anyat tṛṇam iva tyājyam apy ܰٲ� padmajanmanā || iti nyāyād yad upapanna� tat svīkurma�, yad anupapannam... tatparityajāmas, tad etad bhūṣaṇam eva na tu ūṣaṇa� ٲԳٰٲԳٰٲ峾. Բⲹٳ samavāyānaṅgīkārāt kāṇādādimaryādollaṅghana� ṛtprādhānyānaṅgīkārāt sāṃkhyamaryādol-laṅghanam ity ādy api ūṣaṇa� kimiti nodbhāvaye�. pratyuta sakalavādyanabhimatam ātmaikatvam ṇḍ� brahma viśvamithyātva� vedasyātattvāvedakatvam abhyupagatavatas tavaiva śūnyavādyatiriktasarvatāntrikamaryādollaṅghana� śūnyavādimatapraveśasyeti 첹ٳ� na nibhālayase. 屹ٲԲ, pg. 42.