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Tantra is a topic of utmost importance in the researches on India鈥檚 cultural and religious history and in South Asian studies. The Sanskrit word 鈥榯antra鈥�, derived from the root 鈥榯an鈥�-has been widely used right from the Vedic period in distinct meanings such as a product coming from the loom, a philosophical system, medicine, or remedy. It has gone through different stages of interpretations, misinterpretations, correct and incorrect representations by both the eastern and western scholars in the last several centuries. This fact is attested by the observation of Hugh. B. Urban who says, 鈥淪urely no aspect of South Asian Religion has generated more confusion, controversy, or misunderstanding than the complex body of texts and traditions known as Tantra.鈥�^[1]

The tradition of Tantrism being a complex system within itself has been made more complicated by the approaches of colonial authorities, western orientalists, Hindu nationalists and also by the modern scholarly world. In the colonial period, orientalists and many European scholars believed that Tantrism was the most degenerated and worst tendency of religious philosophical stream which caused the decline of Hinduism in India. Popular writers on the other hand, from early period to the present age, celebrated it as the most reliable source of sexuality and pleasure.

Tantra is an all comprehensive idea of a wide range of textual materials, ritual traditions and manifold practices that flourished since the hoary past throughout the subcontinent. It developed through diverse streams in its history and different sects like 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补, 笔腻帽肠补谤腻迟谤补, 碍腻辫腻濒颈办补, Kaula, 狈腻迟丑补, Sr墨vidy膩 and so on have been formed among the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain communities of India, China, Japan and Tibet. A large number of works have been composed in each sect in different period. These literary works and the age old beliefs and practices observed by the followers of Tantrism provide ample material for the study of the themes and issues of the divergent streams of Tantrism.

The literature of Tantra cannot be considered in a uniform way because many of them reproduce the textual knowledge and try to keep the tradition intact. Some other sources, whereas, are solely concerned with the knowledge of Tantra which was prevalent in the time of their composition. Taking this aspect into account Teun Gaudriaan classifies the whole Tantric literature into two distinct types as 鈥極riginal Tantras鈥� and 鈥楽econdary works.鈥�^[2] His classification is based on the nature of presentation of the themes, style of language, method of description and the social background of their authors.

The term 鈥榯antra鈥� is generally used with the name of treatises which are having a 艢补办迟颈-orientation. Whereas, 艢补颈惫补 texts which also are the integral part of Tantra literature, are known as 膧驳补尘补蝉 while the Tantric treatises of Vai峁ａ箛avites are called 厂补峁僪颈迟补蝉. 膧驳补尘补蝉 give emphasis on the subjects traditionally coming under the aspect of 碍谤颈测腻 (and 肠补谤测腻) which consist of the topics like the construction of temples, installation of images, temple worship, ceremonial bathing, public festivals, cosmogony, mantra etc. The Tantras on contrary to this, mostly deal with more esoteric subjects like the speculations on the nature of the absolute, cosmogony, the creative nature of sound and word, micro-macro cosmic equivalence, the powers of speech, communication and handling of mantras, symbolic interpretations of words and names, construction of 尘补峁囜笉补濒补蝉 and initiation into the worship of deities.

艢补颈惫颈蝉尘-one of the important streams of Tantrism-is popularly accepted as the religious philosophical outgrowth of ancient phallus (the form of 艢颈惫补) worship. Its existence is evidently established even in the early stages of the rise of human civilization. The artifacts obtained from the excavations including the famous proto-艢颈惫补 figure^[3] from Mohenjo Daro testify to the prevalence of 艢颈惫补 worship even in the remote past. The references in the Vedic literature also indicate that 艢颈惫补 was specifically addressed as Rudra, formerly as a dreadful deity and later as a benevolent god. Descriptions on Rudra 艢颈惫补 in the Vedas beyond doubt prove that 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 in India had grown as a cult in that age. According to D. B. Sensharma, not only the Vedas but the supplementary literature of the Vedic corpus like 叠谤腻丑尘补峁嘺蝉 and 鲍辫补苍颈峁�a诲蝉 are also containing mention about the Rudra. So the 艢补颈惫补 膧驳补尘补蝉 are considered as comprising the essence of Vedas, by many contemporary scholars like K. C. Pandey.

B. N. Pandit traces back the history of the origin of monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 to the Indus valley civilization. He says, 

As for the basic pre-historic origin of that monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, it can be discovered in the remains of the Indus Valley civilization which proves it beyond doubt that 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 as a religion of a highly civilized nation, well versed in the arts of reading and writing, had attained remarkable development in its aspects of ritual and higher theology in India in the third millennium B.C. It appears that the Indus Valley people were highly advanced in spiritual philosophy as well. The realization of the theistic and monistic absolutism of spiritual philosophy cannot be an out-come of mere mental thinking of wise thinkers. It can be the result of only an intuitional realization of the truth, developed and attained by the means of practice in such a system of yoga that leads a practitioner to a psychic state that transcends even the state of the highest dreamless sleep, shining in the Nirvikalpa samadhi of the yoga of 笔补迟补帽箩补濒颈.^[4]

The proto-艢颈惫补 through many sectarian developments and philosophical modifications reached the concept of absolute 艢颈惫补 as taught by Abhinavagupta. The theological intricacies, the density of rituals and the yogic and Tantric complexities are the results of ambiguous changes happened to the entire system through centuries.

艢补颈惫补 systems are classified into eight schools viz., 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补, 厂颈诲诲丑腻苍迟补 艢补颈惫补, 尝补办耻濒墨艣补 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补, 痴颈艣颈峁ａ弓腻诲惫补颈迟补 艢补颈惫补, V墨ra 艢补颈惫补, 狈补苍诲颈办别艣惫补谤补 艢补颈惫补, 搁补蝉别艣惫补谤补 艢补颈惫补, and Advaya 艢补颈惫补, which can be headed under three philosophical aspects as dualism, non-dualism and dualist-non-dualism. These systems were based upon ten, eighteen and sixty four 艢补颈惫腻驳补尘补蝉 respectively. The monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 originated in Kashmir is generally addressed with the phrase, Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘.

Monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 of Kashmir is a unique school of thought that differs widely from the other 艢补颈惫补 philosophical streams. It tries to approach the problems by conjoining both the practical and theoretical aspects of Tantrism. And hence it could neither be viewed as an idealistic nor as a realistic system of thought. Important thing to be noticed is that Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 is not a 艢aivite replica of 础诲惫补颈迟补惫别诲腻苍迟补. P. M. Ortega shows the causes of this as, the Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 is a completely 膧gamic system which refutes the theory of vivarta as propounded by the 础诲惫补颈迟补惫别诲腻苍迟补. It accepts 惭腻测腻 as the divine power-the character of Brahman and not as the tool. 艢aivites were householders, rather than ascetics the practice tradition of whom was known to Ved膩ntins. 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 was against the suppression of emotions and it accepted the enjoyment-just like liberation-as the aim of life. 

He continues,

鈥� (8) Taking a pragmatic view of life, Saivism does not adopt any negative attitude towards world. (9) It takes Advaita 痴别诲腻苍迟补 as a theory that comes very close to Buddhist nihilism. (10) Important authors of Kashmir Saivism do neither refer to any teachers of Advaita 痴别诲腻苍迟补 nor quote passages from their works. (11) Sa峁卥aradigvijaya, being mere poetry based much more or fiction than on facts, is not at all dependable. Sa峁卥aravijaya of Anant膩nandagiri is sufficiently dependable. (12) The account of Sankara's Kashmir visit is therefore highly doubtful. (13) As authenticated by an ancient grave-inscriprion, the present day Sankaracharya temple at Srinagar did not bear such name before the Dogara rule in Kashmir. (14) There was no trace of the Sannyasa system of Sankaracharya in Kashmir before the rule of Dogara kings. (15) Most of the ancient Kashmirian Vedantins adhered to Vai峁ａ箛avite theism and not to Vivartism of Sankaracharya.^[5]

Numerous classification methods are available regarding the sub-schools of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘. One of the most familiar classifications of is the threefold division as 膧驳补尘补, Spanda and 笔谤补迟测补产丑颈箩帽腻. Kula, Krama and 笔谤补迟测补产丑颈箩帽腻 is another triad of sub-schools. It is also classified as Kula, Trika and Krama.^[6] Alexis Sanderson divided the entire 艢补颈惫补 teachings into two great branches termed as 础迟颈尘腻谤驳补 and 惭补苍迟谤补尘腻谤驳补. The former is accessible only to ascetics, while the latter is open to all. 础迟颈尘腻谤驳补 has two divisions as 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补 and 尝腻办耻濒补. 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补 tradition believes in 笔补艣耻辫补迟颈-a form of Rudra. 尝腻办耻濒补 ascetics were developed from 笔腻艣耻辫补迟补 tradition.

The origin of 惭补苍迟谤补尘腻谤驳补 is historically later than 础迟颈尘腻谤驳补 and is associated with the feminine power 艢补办迟颈. 艢补颈惫补 厂颈诲诲丑腻苍迟补, 碍腻辫腻濒颈办补 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, Cult of Svacchandabhairava, Cult of 驰辞驳颈苍墨, Cult of 碍腻濒墨, Kaula Trika, Krama, 碍耻产箩颈办腻 etc. are the sub streams that come under 惭补苍迟谤补尘腻谤驳补 division of 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘. As Harvey. P. Alper suggested, the division of schools or sects of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 has some sort of rigidity. 

He spots it as, 

For example, one has merely to examine the TA to see that Abhinavagupta freely intermixes doctrines drawn from the Krama and the Kula lineages. There seems to have been only limited adversarial argumentation between these groups, and initiates into one tradition apparently often complemented their practices with techniques drawn from other groups. Natural groupings probably occurred simply as a result of adherence to one or another teacher and his lineage. Yet the case of Abhinavagupta is particularly interesting, for he participated in one way or another in all of these Shaivite groups. Consequently, scholars of non-dual Kashmir Shaivism often have great difficulty in specifying what the particular doctrinal and practical differences might be between a text that avows its allegiance to the Krama lineage and one which declares itself as belonging to the Kaula tradition. A review of the history of the tradition shows that a Spanda group occurs as well as a Pratyabhijna group; and we learn that Abhinavagupta was taught Kula, Krama, Mata, and Trika darsana. The lines of demarcation that exist between these groups are only very slowly emerging now.^[7]

Swami Lakshman Joo says that the Trika philosophy of Kashmir is comprised of four sub-systems; 笔谤补迟测补产丑颈箩帽腻, Kula, Krama and Spanda. The present study wishes to follow the very classification in a different order as Kula, Krama, Spanda and 笔谤补迟测补产丑颈箩帽腻. Among the several modes of classifications, these particular sub-streams are accepted to address the problem related to the shift of the principle of 艢补办迟颈 from the prominent to a subordinate position.

Relevance and Nature of the Research Problem 

The current trends in South Asian Studies-through the disciplinary, interdisciplinary and comparative researches-try to propose new perspectives on the religious philosophies. Through the analysis of aesthetic, linguistic, emotional, metaphysical and ontological categories they aim to explore the contribution of Indian intellectual culture centered on the experience. In this regard, Tantric Buddhism and Tantric 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 are said to be the most dynamic areas of scholarship in South Asian religious studies.

However, an essential point to be noted is that there are only a few studies which examine the deeper theoretical frame work of the entire system. Similarly, the study of feminine principle of Tantrism is confined to the explanation of manifestations of the 鈥榙ivine feminine鈥�. It hardly shows any difference from the usual Indian mother goddess concepts which had been appropriated by the orthodox dogma. Accordingly they were taken into the sphere of 鈥榯healogi鈥檆al approaches which has been traditionally employed for the justification of the feminist studies of religion.

The concept of 艢补办迟颈, the feminine principle, makes Tantra a significant discipline in the academia. In the early strata of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, 艢补办迟颈 has numerous forms including divine, semi-divine and human. The later developed systems reveal its highly philosophized nature rather than its femininity. Although reviews on 艢补办迟颈 as a religious principle and as a pure philosophical concept are available separately, the nature of 艢补办迟颈 as a feminine religious philosophical principle in Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 has not yet been discussed in detail with due importance.

It may well be said that without a thorough interrogation into the nature, function and evolution of this feminine principle called 艢补办迟颈, the understanding of Tantrism, 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 and the history of philosophic systems of India would be incomplete. Hence, the present study entitled Principle of 艢补办迟颈 in Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘-Function and Evolution is an endeavor to analyze this issue.

Hypothesis of the Study 

The present study which mainly interrogates the trajectories of evolution of the principle of 艢补办迟颈 in the four major sub-streams of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, also presupposes that in the process of evolution the Sakti principle has moved to a subordinate position from the prominence it had in the earlier phase of Tantrism and Kashmir Saivism. Such a supposition is pertinent for thinking divergently from the tendency to define the very concept as an affirmative and emancipatory ideal for women.

Methodology of the Study 

The studies in South Asian religions have been carried out with diverse methodological perspectives including that of history, theology, philosophy, literature and so on. However, the focal point of the present study is the analysis of the historical evolution of the religious philosophical principle called 艢补办迟颈. The primary resource in this endeavor is the authentic literature of the four sub-streams of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘. The commentaries of later teachers of the system and the later works authored by their successors also are taken in to account in the same category. The history of the formation of various other sub-streams and the attitudes it had to face is examined with the help of the works of modern scholars. Since the pioneers in the studies on Tantra and Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 are western scholars frequent visits to their works is likely in this venture. The works analyzed here include that of academicians and practitioners as well. In many aspects the present study deviates from the approach and observations of other scholars. They include the issues regarding chronology, fundamental source, nature of 艢补办迟颈 principle, relation of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 with Sanskrit aesthetics, the methods of appropriation othe tenets of monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 by Br膩hma峁噄sm etc. The present researcher has tried maximum to provide satisfactory evidences and arguments in support of her observations.

Thus the present study which mainly interrogates the trajectories of evolution of the principle of 艢补办迟颈 in the four major sub-streams of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, also presupposes that in the process of evolution the Sakti principle has moved to a subordinate position from the prominence it had in the earlier phase of Tantrism and Kashmir Saivism. Such a hypothesis is necessary to think divergently from the tendency to define the very concept as an affirmative and emancipatory ideal for women. As the study focuses also on the causes and impacts of the process of decline of 艢补办迟颈鈥檚 prominence, it is hoped to be of help for similar investigations in the present day academia.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Hugh. B. Urban, The Power of Tantra: Religion, Sexuality and the Politics of the South Asian Studies, I. B Tauris, London, 2010, p.4.

[2]:

鈥淭he original tantras are anonymous and written in dialogue form; their Sanskrit is often inferior, their style mediocre, sometimes even awkward; their method of presentation is repetitive, associative and non-systematical. The digests are of known authorship; their language and style are much better; their setup is more systematical. The digests are of known authorship; their language and style are much better; their setup is more systematical; they abound in references to and quotations from older authorities. The authors where in overwhelming majority Brahmans, but other social groups are also represented, among them ruling aristocrats. The terminology adopted here should not be taken to imply that the original tantras are always older or of more fundamental importance than the secondary nibandhas: the reverse is often the case.鈥�, Teun Gaudriaan and Sanjukta Gupta (Eds.), Hindu Tantric and 艢腻办迟补 Literature, Otto Haarassowits, Wies Baden, 1981, p. 4.

[3]:

Though this image has been widely accepted as the 笔补艣耻辫补迟颈-艢颈惫补, Geoffrey Samuel presents four reasons for not considering the very figure as 艢颈惫补. He argues that, later 艢补颈惫补 iconography never follows such a sitting posture of 艢颈惫补; It is too unclear to identify the three heads of the present figure; in later age never 艢颈惫补 is seen with the horned headdress; and it is not necessary to read animals as the forms of man-figures. Further he provides some distinct readings of this figure made by the scholars like Alf Hiltebeital and Herbertt Sullivan, and concludes that 鈥淭he only reasonable conclusion is that we do not actually know how to interpret the figure, nor do we know what he or she represents.鈥� Geoffrey Samuel, Origins of Yoga and Tantra, Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 4.

[4]:

B.N. Pandit, History of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, Motilal Banarsidass, Varanasi, 1989, p.xii. The very assertion leads to a claim that the monistic 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 was picked up practiced and assimilated by the Vedic people from Indus valley, and they expressed its essence in the later portions of Vedas and in Vedic texts such as 鲍辫补苍颈峁�a诲蝉. See, Ibid., p.xiii.

[5]:

Harvey. P. Alper, Mantra, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1991, p.28.

[6]:

Scholars like J. C. Chaterjee (Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1986) B. N Pandit (Aspects of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, Utpal Publication, Srinagar, 1977) are going along with the classification as 膧驳补尘补, Spanda and 笔谤补迟测补产丑颈箩帽腻.

[7]:

Ibid., p.34.