Preksha meditation: History and Methods
by Samani Pratibha Pragya | 2016 | 111,074 words
This page relates ‘The Development of Preksha-Dhyana between 1944�1975� of study dealing with Preksha-Dhyana: a meditation technique created by Acharya Shri Mahapragya (Acarya Mahaprajna) in the late twentieth century. It synthesizes ancient Jain ascetic methods, ritualistic practices, and modern scientific insights, appealing to a global audience. The thesis explores its historical context, theoretical foundations, and the rise of contemporary Jain meditation systems.
Go directly to: Footnotes.
4. The Development of Prekṣ�-Dhyāna between 1944�1975
From the first ⲹ of the ձ貹Գٳ sect, ṣu, to Dālacanda (1897�1909), the seventh head of the ձ貹Գٳ sect, there was no specific modification in the ideology of the world-renouncing rigorous asceticism. Moreover, with the exception of 貹, dzٲ and meditation of self-awareness undertaken as one of the steps of the 屹śⲹ첹 rites (پṇa), there was no distinctive development documented in the field of meditation. The fourth 峦ⲹ, Jay峦ⲹ, did produce some compositions on the subject, but in brief. The small meditational texts and his personal practices are not widely known within the ascetic or lay communities.
After the death of the eighth 峦ⲹ, Kālurāma (1877�1935), ճܱī became the ninth head of the Terāpanth order, at the age of twenty-two. ճܱī was assisted by Mahāprajña (1920�2010) who shared his desire for progress, innovation and modernisation.
Flügel states that:
[T]he Terāpanth order reformed itself and adopted an interest not only in world renunciation but also in world transformation, that is, in the improvement of the conditions of existence, on a regional, national and global scale. An important element of their outward looking, modernist orientation was their keen interest in the interaction between Jainism and modern science, especially biology, medicine and neuroscience, and also the fields of comparative philology, philosophy, ethics, psychology, social work and health (Flügel, 2011: 25).
ճܱī was open-minded, and believed that rituals obstruct progress. This is why he presented the 걹ٲ movement as devoid of any kind of rituals. After the end of the Second World War (1939�1945), he developed a passion for innovative concepts relating to all aspects of life and engaged in many experiments in attempting to apply them, for peaceful co-existence, emotional control, change in the education system and world peace (Mahāprajña, 2005b: 272�75).
ճܱī looked into the prevalent progressive ideas[1] such as meditation. He expressed:
Many people come to us. They come with devotion and hope, what are we able to offer them? If their life does not transform, what purpose does it serve? We should take an initiative in such a way that we empower them to learn to live. They should lead a life for the wellbeing of oneself and society (Mahāprajña, 2010a: 76-77).
This contemplation in the 1940s, which manifested as the 걹-movement, a non-sectarian initiative, reveals his mixed passion of “what we can offer� and moving “beyond religious boundaries�. He concluded that Jaina religious doctrine and practice without any scientific authentication or support, while helpful for saints and holy persons residing in caves [solitude], appeared to be irrelevant for ordinary people in their day-today lives.
The very attitude of ձ貹Գٳ, Flügel notes:
In the Jain world, Ācārya ճܱī and Yuv峦ⲹ Mahāprajña are renowned for their support of social reform, and in India generally for the promotion of universal social morality, through the non-sectarian so-called 걹ٲ, or small vow movement, and the īԲ ñԲ, or science of living, initiative (Flügel, 2011: 25).
ճܱī increasingly emphasised a synthesis of science and spirituality, and held that one without the other was incomplete and closed the door to progress (Mahāprajña, 1994a: 278�9). In light of contemporary problems such as the caste system, dowry system and gender disparity, he believed in the necessity of the application of religion in the day-to-day conduct of Jainas and non-Jainas alike, rather than its confinement to typically religious arenas, such as temples, or to religious texts and scriptures.
After the independence of India from British colonial rule in August 1947, ճܱī initiated a new movement of moral values for householders named 걹ٲ ԻDZԲ (a socio-spiritual movement related to small vows) on 2nd March 1949 in Sardāraśahara. For the assimilation of these small vows of the 걹ٲ movement, he believed that some practical aspects of spirituality were required, which could be easily followed by everyone, beyond any sectarian dogma (Mahāprajña, 1994a: 6). To achieve this objective, ճܱī was in search of innovative spiritual practices because vows alone did not lead to dispassion. Practical spiritual tools were needed to bring about a transformation of personality, and meditation seemed to fulfil this need. Hence, gradually new methods of meditation for the general public were conceived, tested and publicised. They were first introduced to the general public via residential camps focusing on the practice of small vows (걹ٲ ś).[2] During these 걹ٲ ś, Mahāprajña used to discuss moral values in detail, and some contemplative meditation practices, relaxation with self awareness (dzٲ), DzԲ and ṇ峾 were part of them[3]. The rest of this chapter will attempt to ascertain ճܱī’s motivation for constructing a distinct system of Jaina meditation, and how this was formulated and implemented by his close collaborator and successor, Muni Nathamala (Yuv峦ⲹ/Ācārya Mahāprajña), between 1962�1975.
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
A. Jain presents a wide picture of the yoga spectrum through socio-political changes. She states that ‘The 1960s provided ideal timing for global dissemination of such systems, since it witnessed the BritishAmerican counterculture and the lifting of immigration restrictions, especially to the United States, the United Kingdom, France� (A. Jain, 2015: 76).
[2]:
[3]:
Interview with Dharmānanda on 21 January 2015 at Delhi.