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Each art tradition is the revelation of the attitude and values of a particular culture and social milieu and adds its characteristic contribution to humanity's heritage of art.¹ Thus, in this chapter, we will simply tried to have a brief sketch of the life of Kamrupi society, contemplation of which can duly be assigned to a period starting from 9 th century A.D. onward. Emphasing on different socioeconomic issues (like the theory of social division and its implications in the society, economic condition of the country, people's dresses and ornaments, etc.), main objective of this study is however, to have an idea about the religious beliefs of the people of ancient Assam as according to the reflections received from the available aesthetic product here at Madan-Kamdev. SECTION: 5.1 Socio-Economic Condition: A) Social Division : Indian society survived with a traditional concept of social division of varnasramadharma. The term varnasramadharma means a social and ritual obligations that sought to be obeyed by the people of Brahmanical India in accordance with their specific varna or colour² or caste. 3 In actuality, this is an encapsulate form of some important social and ritual obligations set out for the Hindu Indians in the dharmasastra. Whatever might be the 1. "hyam chum 3. Mukherjee, R.K.: The Cosmic Art of India, 1965, p.95. Thapar, R. : Early India, 2002, p. 27. The term Varna later means the caste Kosambi, D.D. The Cultural and Civilization of Ancient India, 1994, p.81.

214 meaning, the influence of this traditional concept of varnasrama had made the Indian society a caste ridden society with the emergence of four specific varna or caste, namely as Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. However, duties of each caste though had strictly been instructed by our dharmasastras, but they never appeared to be rigid in nature in any period of its development, specially in respect of food, professions and in marriage relationship which creates number of sub castes and interestingly they all have found their necessary accommodation within the fold of orthodox Hinduism in due course of time.4 Like in other parts of India, the theory of varnasramadharma had enjoyed a high sense of respect (if not from the common people) but at least from the royal fraternity of Kamrupa. Number of references are there, where the king of this tract often described themselves as the upholder of this theory in their respective inscriptions 5 The Kalika Purana and the Yogini Tantra (1/6/40) have also made some references about the prevalence of varnasramadharma in Kamrupa. However, the theory never have any practical implication, 6 rather it being used as a .4. A. 5. 6. Choudhury, P.C.: HCPA, 1987, p.311. In the Nidhanpur C. P. inscription king Bhaskarvarman being referred as a protector of varnasramadharma. Similarly, king Indrapala in his Guwahati grant described himself as the upholder of this theory. All over India Varna is only a reference category, it represents a model of a broad division of society on the basis of quality and functions and their organic linkages. It does not reflect, however, the reality of social order, which is much more complex.....there is no uniform all India hierarchy, even the distribution of Varna is not uniform throughout Hindu society. Dube, S.C. : Indian Society, 1992, pp.48-49.

' 215 theoretical statement referring to a two fold caste system composed of Brahman and man of other professions including the tribals to swell in Sudra community." Thus, it was because of its theoretical application or because of its flexible existence, the sculptures of Madan Kamdeva refused to reflect anything in co-herent to the concept of caste hierarchy, rather it proposed a class distinction at the rank of rich and poor in their overall exposition. Number of factors are there for the emergence of this distinction in the society. Like in other parts of India, in Kamrupa also, the ideal of feudalism seem to have played a vital role in forming a wealthier community in the society. Feudalism in India began with land grants made to the Brahman, temple, monasteries when villages together with their fields and inhabitants with fiscal administrative and judicial right (with rights to enjoy fine received) and with the exemption from the interference of royal official were given to the beneficiaries. There is a general but important observation that the practice of granting land and growth of landed intermediaries first began in backward tribal areas where the pressure on land as in case of fully Brahmanised area was not so grave one, particularly because of lack of advancement of agriculture. That means, the peripheral areas of India's main heartland (like Assam) might have prone to a process of transition from tribalism to that of feudalism.10 7. 8. 9. 9 In actuality, it was at least from the time of the later half of the Gupta period the term Varnasrama started to mean two caste Brahman and Sudra where all the lower classes of the Brahman community considered to be the Sudras. Bhattacharya, N.N.: Bharatiya Jati Varna Pratha, 1987, p.155. Guha, A. Medieval and Early Colonial Assam, 1991, p.66. Ibid, p.69. 10. Guha, A. Feudalism in Early Medieval India, Some comments, 1963, a mimeographed paper.

216 Whatever might be the fact, as to the information derived from the Nidhanpur copper plate inscription the process of granting land in true sense of term said to have initiated by king Bhutivarman during 5 th century A.D. The pan Indian political condition had further accelerated the process of granting land in Kamrupa. It was from 5 th century A.D., imperial Gupta power was gradually exposed to the tract of their decline which had created an atmosphere for the evolution of the concept of regionalism or regional states in Indian sub-continent. In case of Kamrupa, the imperial Gupta though not tried to establish their direct suzerain authority, but still their declining trends, provides the ruler of Kamrupa an opportunity to enhance further their political pride, if not in other parts but at least in eastern India. Thus, the raising political importance had normally attracted large number of Brahman and other learned personnel to this remotest corner of India. Apart from that, Kamrupa at that time was a land of peace, stayed far away from the fear of the attack of different nomadic tribes from central Asian region, which further prompted the migration of those learned personnel or to change their centre of activities from the main heartland of India to Kamrupa. Thus, the continuous flow of learned Brahman expedited the process of land grant at the support of royal house, who were always in favour of those newly migrated people, specially for the technical advancement of agriculture. Depending on different epigraphical evidences eminent scholar A Guha states that in Kamrupa land grants were made mainly in favour of Brahman scholars, priest and religious institutions. But in reference to some important Guha, A: Op-cit, 1991, p.40. 11. 11

217 literary evidences the same scholar finally concludes that not only 12 the Brahman, but the Kayastha, Daivajna and other high class migrants also favoured with royal land grants. All these have normally provided a scope to think that there were two types of land grants, first the religious one, in favours of religious institution and the priestly communities (who in one way or other engaged themselves with those institution); secondly, the land grants of secular nature, enjoyed mainly by the government officials in return of their service to the state in lieu of their salary. The paucity of metallic currency after the decline of Gupta power 13 had further accelerated the process of granting land to those secular services. The epigraphical and literary evidences have proved that in Kamrupa the Brahmans were the highest beneficiaries of both these types of land grants. The Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva states that the supreme administrative post of the state should always be held only by those learned Brahman in hereditary 14 15 manner. Supporting this view another important references is also there in the Kalika Purana which states that king should appoint learned Brahman as the minister of his Kingdom. The treatise on the other hand has put forward another important information regarding the existence of some non Brahmin official to the burucratic set up in Kamrupa where it states that if any. non Brahmin officials has made a conspiracy against the King, after detection that official should be killed, but if the conspirator Jha, D.N. : Economy and Society in Early India, 1993, p.67. Choudhury, P.C.: Op-cit, 1987, p.269. 12. Ibid, p.41. 13. 14. 15. Kalika Purana 84/103.

218 is a Brahman he should not be killed rather banished him from the country. 16 Thus, who ever might be beneficiaries, the land lords have generally wielded a political authority over their respective petty landed estates' and shouldered the responsibility not only to protect their subjects from any incursion but also to provide military assistance to the king at the time of his necessity and thus the land lords have the sufficient warring capabilities in their possession. 17 One important feature that has found its explanation in many of these grants is that the royal donors while giving away a piece of waste land, also makes a gift of an inhabited village or at least a certain number of peasant families to the same. so that, he can extract certain services from the villages for the development and cultivation of land concerned. This has made an indication about the existence 18 of a class of farming people who were probably slaves or at least 19 bound to the soil. Besides performing their field work, these poor villagers (both male and female) have also to engaged in domestic works of their lords. Apart from those land lords, another wealthier community in Kamrupa who seem to have dominate the society was the merchant community. The situation of the towns like. Pragjyotisha, Harupesvara, Kamrupanagara and Durjaya on the bank of Brahmaputra greatly facilitated commercial intercourse. Evidences 16. Ibid, 84/86. 17. Guha, A. : Op-cit, 1991, p.41. 18. Ibid, p. 40. 19. Ibid, p.41. 20. Choudhury, P.C.: Op-cit, 1987, p.353.

21 219 further inspired Choudhury to conclude that Kamrupa has enjoyed not only an intimate cultural and commercial relations with different parts of India, but it has an international trade linkage with different South East Asian countries. The matter has already been discussed extensively in earlier chapter (no. II), where we tried to highlight the importance of Madan-Kamdev as a transit point of an international trade route starting from Margiana via Pataliputra, Kamrupa connecting upper Burma. Merchants and wealthy people lived in the towns and moved in the streets on elephants and horses or carried on litters. Inscription mention towns and market with Vipanis and various kind of wares and jewellery. The road run through out the country ....the business centres attracted many people from outside which facilitates trading enterprises. 22 All these have normally inspired us to presume that along with the royal houses and the feudal lords there was an another important groups who had enjoyed the prestige of wealth in the Kamupi society. Thus, it was not only in Kamrupa but in entire India, the society was divided into two main classes rich and poor, the rich lived in luxury with male female servant called Snanaka (or bath man who assisted in bathing), the Prasadhak or Prasadhika (or the male female toilette assistant) and the Srirandhri (the maid in waiting) to attend them and help them in their various engagement and duties. 23 The sculptures of Madan-Kamdev (particularly the sculptural description available to the narathara section of the prime temple plinth) have revealed the existence of a prosperous 21. Ibid, pp. 356-358. 22. 23. Ibid, p. 353. Agarwal, U. : North Indian Temple Sculpture, 1995, p. 142.

220 community in Kamrupa. At the same time it also explain (however, in an indirect way), the condition of a poor section of people in the society who appeared to have survived at the mercy of their lords. Accordingly, there is a sequence, where three people in a row carried something together on their shoulder (fig. 19.2). The item they carried seem to be very heavy as they used both hands to uplift (possibly to maintain balance) the same. Dress in ancient India was largely determined by the class to which one belonged 24 but unfortunately, that line of determination is not possible in case of this sequence of our consideration because of the erosions on the smooth plastic texture of these sculptures. But still these three images appeared to be a replical representation of an attendant community of prestigious family in the society. The a prestigious family shown here to be engaged in linga worship with all sorts of formalities. The last consecutive sequence of the panel is also composed of three persons, two of them (probably men belonging to the same prestigious family who engaged in linga Puja), drink something by keeping a table like furniture in between them, while the third one seem to be an attendant, a masseur of those high class personal. Here the table probably made from a single piece of wood' (as shape suggest) can be regarded as an indicator of the high class status of the people in the society. Throughout the ranges of sculptural description the artist had successfully depicted the life of a group of women who seem to have enjoyed an aristocratic life style in their exposure. 24. Chakraborty, S.: Socio-Religious and Cultural Study of Ancient Indian Coins, 1986, p.199.

221 Seated on cushion 25 their life being supported with male, female attendant. In some sequences, their female attendant have found their representation in a protecting posture where they stand straight on the side of their mistress by keeping their hands on their thigh. Though these attending women stand here with an unarmed standard, but still they supposed to have work as a minor protecting barrier when someone tried to approach her mistress with evil designs. The practice of women guard to the upper class personal was not new to Indian tradition 26 but the sculptural descriptions of Madan-Kamdev have referred that with the passes of time, the tradition of women guard seem to have lost their original prestige in the country like Kamrupa by loosing arms in their hands. On the other hand, standard of those aristocratic women exposed to the use of items like stool, table, mirror etc along with their male female attendant. Women in most of these representations supposed to have belonged to the rank of devadasi, rajdasi or alankaradasi as proposed in earlier chapter. Explaining the warring capabilities of those upper class people (probably of feudal lords) there are three sequences to the narathara section of the main temple plinth. In one sequence, a hero rides on a horse with open sword, while in other a man stands 25. Women belonging to the richer class of the society are generally shown with female attendant the use of cushion is an another feature of explaining their aristocratic standard in the society. Agarwal, U. : Op-cit, 1995, pp. 142-143. 26. Kautilya's Arthasastra has mention about the house hold guard of king (Abhyagarika) which said to have comprises of both male and female guard. Mookherjee, R.K.: Chandragupta Maurya and His Time, 1966, p.64.

222 with full armour (sword & shield) and in the third one, the hero subdued a person, probably the vanquished one, at the point of his sword. As explain in earlier chapter, the warring scenes have an auspicious beginning where a couple (probably the hero and his wife) shown to have engaged in performing some ritualistic work with pomp and grandour. The sitting posture as well as their costume suggested them as being the person belonging to aristocratic community. Similarly, the pro-active tradition of human sacrifice at the end of these warring scenes (as explained in earlier chapter) have made an indirect suggestion about the deplorable condition of a section of people, often suppressed, sometime even at the point of sword by those high class personal who ever care to use the service of those poor people both for benefit of their material and spiritual life. Further clarification the fact of class distinction in the society, number of palatial sequences are there to the narathara section. This type of sequences are found specially in connection of representing erotic imageries, a man sit on a cushion with outstressed leg, while a woman probably a poor one, sitting on her toes in between two legs of the man (who supposed to be her master) as if she engaged in preparing his genital organ for an ultimate union. In an another sequence an aristocratic couple (in appearance)engaged in sexual orgies where one lying straight just above the ground level probably on takhta (wooden bed). An attendant in simple attire stand behind the couple as if in shy, that mean, there is a community who by dint of wealth extract some crude service from their poor attendant, even to the life of their ultimate physical pleasure. Similarly in depicting erotic

223 concept of fellatio, vayantarata etc, the artist have successfully depicted a pro-aristocratic set up in their representation to highlight class distinction in the society.