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The socio-religious conditions prevalent in Kashmir from an unknown past contributed a lot to the birth of the Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 in early medieval period. It has very little history in the land of Kashmir. But from early period itself Br膩hma峁噄sm acquired dominance over the land of Kashmir.

Alexis Sanderson says,

Thus the earliest known textual evidence of Brahmanical Kashmir does not take us back as far as our earliest evidence of Kashmirian Buddhism. Kashmir may well have had a Brahmanical population that is old, older than the introduction of Buddhism into the region, but no textual evidence known to me establishes this.^[1]

Further he invites the attention of scholars to the fact that Kashmir is mentioned nowhere in Vedic literature and its first appearance in an Indian source is in 笔补迟补帽箩补濒颈鈥檚 惭补丑腻产丑腻峁�y补. Interestingly, in one hand he disagrees with the mythical and other verifications (like that of Huan Tsang鈥檚 references) which associate early Kashmir with the Buddhist cult and heroes; and on the other hand, progressively refers to the literary sources such as 惭补丑腻产丑腻谤补迟补, 狈墨濒补尘补迟补辫耻谤腻峁嘺 and 搁腻箩补迟补谤补峁単颈峁嚹� which claim the early existence of Br膩hma峁噄sm and 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 in ancient Kashmir.^[2] In this context, it is important to recall a conflicting opinion showed by Johannes Bronkhorst that it is inappropriate to assert that Br膩hma峁噄sm was the prominent religion prior to Buddhism in northern India.

He states,

I do not deny that many Vedic texts existed already, in oral form, at the time when the Buddha was born. However the bearers of this tradition, Brahmins did not occupy a dominant position in the area in which Buddha preached his message was not therefore against Br膩hma峁噄cal thought and culture.^[3]

The epigraphic records dating from 5th to 12th centuries CE although reveal the earlier existence of 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 in the Kashmir valley; they richly provide proofs for the Br膩hma峁噄c supremacy in the society.^[4] The observations of Alexis Sanderson, Johannes Bronkhorst, Michael Witzel and so on lead to the assertion that Br膩hma峁噄sm had never been the central tradition of Kashmir from the unknown past.

Alexis Sanderson wishes to locate the forces of the self-representation of Kashmirian society of this period as manifested in the poles of duality in terms of purity and power, viz., orthodox and the heterodox. 

He explains, 

At one extreme are those who seek omnipotence and at the other those who seek depersonalised purity. The former are impure in the eyes of the latter and the latter impotent in the eyes of former. The former seek unlimited power through a visionary art of impurity, while the latter seek to realize through the path of purity an essential unmotivatedness which culminates in the most uncompromising form of their doctrine, in the liberating realisation that they have done and will do nothing that the power of action is an illusion.^[5]

It is well known that it is the mainstream Vedic orthopraxy along with the sectarian Tantric systems which was inclined to the worship of 艢颈惫补, 顿别惫墨, 痴颈峁ａ箛耻 etc., that created the religious environmentin the early medieval India. There was also a notable place in the society for two non-Vedic heterodox streams, Buddhism and Jainism. 

In the words of Tracy Pintchman,

The Tantric system distinguishes itself from other religious sects by its maverick attitudes towards the forbidden, including sexuality and tantric reverence for woman as goddess incarnate is perhaps most concretely expressed in maithuna (the sacrament of sexual union). However sacramental sex, although important for certain Tantric schools generally represents a very small part of the overall 蝉腻诲丑补苍腻 of the aspirant.^[6]

In addition to the use of impure substances, immoral means and external (body centred) ritualistic practices, the prominence granted to the feminine principle made Tantra the contending school of Br膩hma峁噄sm. Accordingly the popularity of Tantric pragmatic traditions started growing and gradually they reduced the domination of Br膩hma峁噄c orthopraxy.

Subsistence of Tantrism, being the popular as well as non-Vedic system, ultimately acted as the rival tradition of Br膩hma峁噄sm. Br膩hma峁噄sm tolerated, as Sanderson says, to an 鈥榚nviable degree of peaceful co-existence鈥�, excluded, included and persecuted the elements of the rival systems. 

But he clearly notices that this tolerance did not persist for ever, 

For the Vaidikas, then, there certainly was no Hinduism as defined in our opening paragraph, since they looked with abhorrence on all systems, including the 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫补 笔腻帽肠补谤腻迟谤补 and the varieties of 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, which deviated from their definition of orthopraxy; and, as we have seen, the 惭补苍耻蝉尘峁泃颈, far from tolerating these with indifference, urged the state to banish their adherents. Moreover, it enjoined the orthopraxy to avoid dwelling in any place where they were numerous.^[7]

The Br膩hma峁噄c pressurization was not limited in the small punishments or in giving some instructions etc. But it was more practical-as far as the references are considered-in denouncing of Tantric traditions. Br膩hma峁噄sm resorted to mainly three ways for this they being appropriation, expurgation and amalgamation.

Br膩hma峁噄sm鈥檚 approach towards Tantric as well as similar popular cults was conceived in an untoward manner. These extremist tendencies can be traced in the references about the social condition available in the literary sources of around tenth century CE. Whether they may be Saiddh膩ntikas or non-Saiddh膩ntikas, the people who follow 艢补颈惫补 stream were restricted to be the subjects of the Br膩hma峁噄cal regulations too. None was supposed to break up the regulations-made by the Br膩hma峁噄c lore based on her/his cast and class鈥攅ven in thought. Being committed to the same social order, she/he can do her/his duties to the 艢颈惫补 in the name of the ritualistic initiation. 艢补颈惫补 scriptures themselves give references for how they became the subjects to the rules of Br膩hma峁噄c social order.

Nare艣varapar墨k峁Ｄ� expresses the 惫补谤峁嚹伵况补尘补诲丑补谤尘补蝉 as already imbibed by 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘;

啶掂�囙う啶� 啶掂た啶ㄠぞ 啶� 啶曕ぐ啷嵿ぎ啶距じ啷嵿い啶� 啶曕げ啶距う啶� 啶� 啶� 啶むう啷嵿さ啶苦え啶� 啷�
啶涏�囙い啷嵿い啶掂�嵿く啶� 啶︵��啶曕�嵿し啶�啶� 啶膏ぐ啷嵿さ啶� 啶曕ぐ啷嵿ぎ啶距う啷�啶むた 啶�啷嵿ぐ啶�啶距し啶苦い啶�啷� 啷�
啶呧え啷佮�溹�嵿�炧ぞ啶むぞ啶多�嵿�� 啶掂�囙う啷嬥�曕�嵿い啶距�� 啶多�堗さ啷� 啶掂ぐ啷嵿ぃ啶距ざ啷嵿ぐ啶�啶距う啶�啶� 啷�
啶掂�囙う啶膏�嵿く啶距お啶� 啶�啷嵿ぐ啶�啶距ぃ啶む�嵿さ啷� 啶�啶む�嵿え啷嬥そ啶膏�嵿ぎ啶距き啶苦ぐ啶む�� 啶曕�冟い啶� 啷�

惫别诲补峁� 惫颈苍腻 na karm膩sti 办补濒腻诲颈 ca na tad惫颈苍腻 |
chettavya峁� d墨k峁�ay膩 蝉补谤惫补峁� karm膩d墨ti prabh膩峁�itam ||
anuj帽膩t膩艣ca vedokt膩岣� 艣aive 惫补谤峁嚹伵況am膩daya岣� |
vedasy膩pi pram膩峁嘺tve yatno'sm膩bhirata岣� k峁泃a岣� ||^[8]

搁腻尘补办补峁囜弓丑补鈥檚 commentary on these verses gives an earlier reference which runs as,

啶囙い啶� 啶掂ぐ啷嵿ぃ啶距ざ啷嵿ぐ啶�啶距�氞ぞ啶班ぞ啶ㄠ�嵿ぎ啶ㄠじ啶距お啶� 啶� 啶侧�權�嵿�樴く啷囙い啷� 啷�
啶�啷� 啶�啶膏�嵿ぎ啶苦え啷嵿え啶距ざ啷嵿ぐ啶�啷� 啶むた啶粪�嵿�犩�囙う啷嵿う啷�啶曕�嵿し啶苦い啶� 啶多た啶掂ざ啶距じ啶ㄠ�� 啷�
啶� 啶むじ啷嵿ぎ啶苦え啷嵿え啷囙さ 啶膏�傕い啶苦し啷嵿�犩�囙い啷� 啶多た啶掂ぇ啶班�嵿ぎ啶� 啶� 啶�啶距げ啶�啷囙い啷� 啷�

iti 惫补谤峁嚹伵況am膩c膩r膩nmanas膩pi na la峁単hayet |
yo yasminn膩艣rame ti峁ａ弓hedd墨k峁�ita岣� 艣iva艣膩sane ||
sa tasminneva sa峁僼i峁ａ弓het 艣ivadharma峁� ca p膩layet | 

(So he should not transgress the practices of his caste-class and discipline even in thought. He should remain in the discipline in which he was initiated into the 艢补颈惫补 religion and [at the same time] maintain the ordinances of 艢颈惫补.)^[9]

Jayaratha states the way in which the Non-Saiddh膩ntika 艢aivites were restricted within the society;

啶呧え啷嵿い啶� 啶曕�屶げ啷� 啶�啶灌た啶� 啶多�堗さ啶� 啶侧�嬥�曕ぞ啶氞ぞ啶班�� 啶む�� 啶掂�堗う啶苦�曕�� 啷�
啶膏ぞ啶班ぎ啶距う啶距く 啶むた啶粪�嵿�犩�囙�� 啶ㄠぞ啶班た啶曕�� 啶侧か啶侧�� 啶�啶ム�� 啷�

补苍迟补岣� kaulo 产补丑颈岣� 艣补颈惫补岣� lok膩c膩re tu 惫补颈诲颈办补岣� |
s膩ram膩d膩ya ti峁ａ弓heta n膩rike laphala峁� 测补迟丑腻 ||

(Internally a Kaula, externally a 艢补颈惫补 [a worshipper of Svacchandabhairava in the Kashmirian context] while remaining Vedic in one鈥檚 social practice.)^[10]

Here the 艢腻办迟补蝉 are restricted to not to live their religious life publicly as it is. 艢补颈惫补s hold much more freedom to reveal their identity. The most paradoxical statement comes in the second half of the poem that the real character should be held on essentially like a coconut. It seems to be more correct to read the meaning of the above mentioned verse as the threatening to the people who violate the norms of Br膩hma峁噄cal social order.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Alexis Sanderson, 鈥淭he Brahmans of Kashmir,鈥� p.9.

[2]:

Ibid., p. 5: 鈥淭hese claims of association with the Buddhist cultic heroes 惭腻诲丑测补苍诲颈苍补 and 础艣辞办补 may well rest on no more than the desire of the Kashmirian Buddhist community to magnify its tradition by pushing it back as far as possible into the past.鈥�

[3]:

Johannes Bronkhorst, Buddhism in the Shadow of Brahmanism, Brill, Leidon, 2011, p. 1ff.

[4]:

For detailed explanation, refer to Alexis Sanderson, 鈥溑毑咕北共� Exegesis of Kashmir鈥�, 鈥淗induism of Kashmir鈥� and 鈥淏rahmans of Kashmir鈥�.

[5]:

Alexis Sanderson, 鈥淧urity and Power among the Brahmans of Kashmir鈥�, p.192.

[6]:

Tracy Pintchman, 鈥淚s the Hindu Goddess a Good Resource for Western Feminism?鈥�, Alf Hiltebeital and Kathleen M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist?: The Politics of South Asian Goddesses, New York University Press, 2000, p. 189.

[7]:

Alexis Sanderson, 鈥淭olerance, Exclusivity, Inclusivity, and Persecution in Indian Religion During the Early mediaeval Period鈥�, p.166.

[8]:

Krishnanand Sagar (Ed.), Nare艣varapar墨k峁Ｄ�, Sri Madhavanand Ashram, Gujrat, 1985, III. 75- 76.

[9]:

Ibid, p. 111; Alexis Sanderson, op. cit., p. 172; Sanderson, 鈥溑毑咕北共� Exegesis of Kashmir鈥�, p. 231 notices that the verse has taken from Bha峁�峁璦r膩maka峁囜弓ha鈥檚 Mok峁�ak膩rik膩v峁泃ti.

[10]:

础辫补谤腻诲颈迟测补鈥檚 Y膩j帽avalkyasm峁泃i峁�墨k膩 on 1.7, quoted in 罢补苍迟谤腻濒辞办补惫颈惫别办补, Vol.3, p. 27; Alexis Sanderson, 鈥淧urity and Power among the Brahmans of Kashmir鈥�, p. 205. Also see, Sanderson, 鈥淭olerance, Exclusivity, Inclusivity, and Persecution in Indian Religion During the Early mediaeval Period鈥�, p. 179: 鈥淚n the same spirit the 罢腻谤腻迟补苍迟谤补, a text from the later East Indian 艢腻办迟补 tradition, tells us concerning the orgiastic gathering of 艢腻办迟补 initiates known as a circle of 叠丑补颈谤补惫墨鈥�: Once the circle of 叠丑补颈谤补惫墨 has commenced (膩rabdhe bhairav墨cakre) all [the Participants, whatever their] caste-classes are the best of brahmins (sarve 惫补谤峁嚹� dvijottam膩h). But as soon as it has ended each returns to his or her separate station. If a person, being deluded, makes distinctions of caste (j膩tibhedam...karoti) within the sacred circle, then without doubt he will fall into a terriblehell from which it will be hard to escape.鈥� He also points out a similar important instant by referring to a story in 碍补濒丑补峁嘺鈥檚 搁腻箩补迟补谤补峁単颈峁嚹� which holds importance in the present context. According to it Cakrabh膩nu was a Brahmin ascetic who got punished by 驰补艣补蝉办补谤补 for transgressing the limits. For the full discussion, see, Sanderson, 鈥溑毑咕北共� Exegesis of Kashmir鈥�, pp. 280-281.