365bet娱乐

[Full title: Erotic Explanation at Madan-Kamdev (3) Dance and Music]

Dance and music have an important place in religious orgies 100 at least from the Patanjali's time music was played in temple. In the medieval period, almost all temples that have sculptural embellishment represent scenes of dance and music. The sculptures of MadanKamdeva have also shown the same medieval characteristic when we have founded number of dance and musical representation specially to the narathara section of the main temple plinth. Along with that some independent architrave and pillar relic also have beared the same sculptural representation of dance and music. One of the most significant point to observe about this dance and musical scenes to the narathara section of the main temple plinth is that as in central India, Rajastan and Gujrat, here in Madan-Kamdev also there is a tendency to place these scenes near the couple or to the orgiastic group and if not so, then to placed near the sequences of the sringara scenes or to the scenes of the linga puja. That means the dance and musical scenes to the narathara section have a ritualistic approach in their exposition. 101 Before explaining the dance and musical compositions there are some interesting points to note that like in other parts 100. Desai, D. : Op-cit, p.80. 101. Ibid.

102 183 of India music and dance have a long tradition in Assam. Mythology states that king Bhagadatta and his companions while representing Pragjyotishpur in the Rajasuya Yajna organized by great Yudhisthira of Mahabharata, impressed all with their dance and musical excellencies; similarly during the time of the arrival of Hiuen Tsang in Kamrup, King Bhaskarvarman have made an arrangement to have dance and musical performances on every evening in respect of the great traveller. 104 103 The devadasi nritya or the dance of the devadasi in the services of the enshrined deity of a temple is the most popular and highly talked ancient form of dance, still survived in some forms or others in many parts of Indian subcontinent. Entangling this institution with the concept of fertility D. Desai states thatdevadasi are those women who are being dedicated to the temple in the services of God. In tracing the history of this institution she again said that at least from the 2 nd century B.C, the inscriptional references are there in central India which further highlighted in Arthasastra, Meghduta along with other ancient books. About the prevalences of devadasi institution in Assam, S Rajguru states that both in the early and medieval period, the customary dance of devadasi at the time of worship in the Siva temples formed a part of the liturgy. 107 106 . The Tezpur grant of Vanamalavarman states that king himself rebuilt the large temple of Hatakeshwar to which he dedicated a 102. Rajguru, S.: Medieval Assamese Society, 1988, p.420. 103. Goswami, S. : Bharatiya Nrityakala(Ass), 1963, p.4. 104. Desai, D. : Op-cit, pp.107-108. 105. Ibid, p.107. 106. Rajguru, S.: Op-cit, p.259. 107. Tezpur Grant, v.24.

184 108 number of prostitutes evidently for the service as devadasi. Depending on the instances of Yogini Tantra, P.C Choudhury have presumed that the institution of devadasi developed in Assam under Tantric influence. He further states that in Assam devadasis are known as nati and this institution is nothing but a sacred prostitution in 109 110 some forms or other. However, originally there are sharp distinctions between devadasis and natis. Accordingly, devadasis are solely devoted to the services of the enshrined deity of the temple, religious sacredness was the prime motto of their life; they have no social responsibility except the responsibility to the god, general worshippers paid respect to them. On the other hand natis are the self style prostitute, they have no religious responsibility, their music were primarily for the entertainment of Raja, Maharaja, Amatya, Praja and all can enjoyed them and their music in return of money. Under such circumstances why and how these two institutions mixed with each other here in Assam is a matter of great controversy which can be solved only with extensive research work. With the passes of time, possibly after 11 th century, the very nature of the devadasi institution was change when some debased practices seriously hampered their original social status and no difference were left between them and nati. Leaving this controversy for future research work, here we primarily concentrate our attention on devadasi institution or community in broader 111 112 108. Sarmadolai,H. N. : Asomat Saiva Sadhana Aru Sahitya Sahitya(Ass),2003, p.22. 109. Choudhury, P.C. HCPA, 1987, p.326. 110. Ibid. 111. Raychoudhury, M. : Nritre Bharat(Be), 1999, p.50. 112. Ibid, p.47.

185 sense of term, which can be divided into three categories i) devadasi 113 ii) rajadasi iii) alankaradasi. Among them only the devadasi have enjoyed the right to perform dance and music in the garbhagriha while the rajadasi performed on the occasion of royal religious ceremonies and the alankaradasi performed on the occasion of social ceremonies like marriage, birth etc. 114 Starting with this brief discussion the best surviving dancing scene that we observed to the narathara section of the main temple plinth at Madan-Kamdev is interestingly on the side of the scene of a bestiality in which a donkey like creatures mates with a women of aristocratic look (fig 12.1). On the other side of this scene there is another sequence which is composed of a hero in his full armour state and he placed his right leg on the veginal province of a lying woman. In the very dancing scene, there are three women, the central one in royal attire is in dancing mood while other two encamping her in simple dresses playing dhol and tal. Thus, the existence of a scene of bestiality to the nearby sequence of the dancing representation have made it quite difficult to explain. D. Desai by considering some customary bestial tradition in European as well as Mediterranean countries, have tried to recognized them as ritualistic congress which sought to insured woman's fertility while stimulating union with sacred. animal. As according to the line of the D. Desai the dancing scene here, can be explained in the following words that this type of outlandish vidhis, specially in search of fertility has been 115 113. Ibid, p.48 114. Ibid. 115. Desai, D. : Op-cit, 1985, p.93

186 observed, either symbolic or actual in a ceremonious way, where dance and music, possibly of an alankaradasi is an essential item to performed. The matter will be more interesting when we tried to link up it with other sided sequence of the same, where a Vira look to have used force on a woman for any sexual rites when he placed his right leg on the veginal province of that woman. In other word, it can be said that a man of an upper class society might have compelled an woman of lower class by using force to participate in an outlandish sexual practice for his own interest. But on the other hand, for us, these three sequences as a whole, look to be a secular sculptural representation of the life of the upper class people when we referred to a traditional belief according to which bestialities are considered to be the symbol of virilities. 116 IT Accordingly, in describing the life of those upper class people the scenes represent the pomp and grandour of their life with a highper sensitive sexual potency for which they even deared to use force if situation demands. Along with that, the longest dancing imitation in terms of sequence (two) is now survived in a highly eroded state of condition to the same narathara section and that is on the right side of the main temple plinth from the entrance (fig.12.2) Both these sequences are the all women composition of numbering three, in the first one the central figure, as usual is in dancing and of the two encamping ladies one plying flute probably Akalam and other in namaskara mudra as if she showed respect to the dance performer. A high frequencies dance performance is the 116. Thomas & Donaldson: Op-cit, p.1168.

187 theme of the second sequence of our discussion. The erosion have made it now quite difficult of identity the actual hand gesture of these women or the object in their hands, except the left hand of the central dancing lady which survive probably with a khutital and that she played simultaneously during her act of dance. In search of an explaining ground, the third continuous sequence of this penal is being composed of two sitting women on stool like object where one helping other in her beautification or sringara. Similarly, in the last sequence of this penal there is a standing women of divine status as she has adorned with vanamala and a lotus bud with a long stalk in her right hand. The intention behind these representations is now quite difficult to explain, but 'still it can safely be presumed that these are the scenes representing the life of a special class of professional women who after having necessary preparation, have made their appearances in any special form of dance performance. The chief performer of them is being received with high sense of honour as it represented to the first scene of the penal. The existence of a divine woman, as if she guarded the entire penal, our age old artists probably intended to show the status of these women on the line of a divine circle. There is another dancing representation (fig. 12.3). which also confirmed the existence of a special class of professional women of higher social status. This confirmation being received here also on the light of the corresponding sequence of the very dancing scene where an woman preparing herself for any special occasion and an another woman standing just behind her as if she showed respect to her in a namaskara mudra. The dancing

188 scene, as usual is a three women composition where central one is in dancing mood while the others on the two sides accompanied her in performance. Exposing a new vista to the life to these professional women there is another penal consisting of four sequence to the narathara section of the main temple plinth (Fig. 12.4). The peculiarity of this highly eroded penal is that each sequence being represented with single woman. Accordingly, in the first sequence there is a standing woman, the erosion though have made it now quite difficult to ascertain the exact nature of this execution, but repeated observation confirmed it as being a nudity exposing figure, however mild in character. The next three sequences are being composed accordingly, first one woman sitting on tool, holding a lotus bud in her left hand which to symbolise her higher status; an woman is in a high profile dancing mood while in the last sequence there is an woman drummer with Kada-drum beaten at one end while she accompany the dancer. 117 While trying to explain this dancing scene on the light of the supporting sequences of the penal, it should be remember that nudity or the male female genital organs, known to India as lingam and yoni are worshipped and also considered to be endowed. with magical power-both auspicious and defensive. From the folkloristic point of view numerous ceremonies in search of fertility or fertility related work have been observed almost in every parts of the world where emphasis being given to the male female genital 118 117. Sarkar, B.K. : The Folk Element in Hindu Culture(1917), 1981, p.285. 118. Desai, D. : Op-cit, pp.93-94.

119 189 organs. One of the most common occasion where the women performed the nudity exposing rites is the rain making ceremonies, even today also in many parts of India, women 120 performed this rites. D. Desai when coding from a story of 1 Kathasaritsagar of 10 th century A.D., referred to an esoteric ceremony in which a queen performed these rites while standing naked in a mandala. 121 Thus, these special class of women who has a high standard of life and received with almost of a divine status in the society (as discussed earlier), by dint of their auspicious appearances, might have made their participation in some of the esoteric practices which are more or less Tantric in nature. And one such practice is the nudity exposing rites, though the purpose behind this observation is now quite difficult to ascertain. Another Panoramic dance representation survived to a penal consisting of three sequences of totally different subjects from each other (fig. 12.5). Among the three sequences of the penal the very scene of our concern is available in between the representation of a mithuna couple and a scene of a war where an warrior being represented in an active stage of war with open sword and shield in his hand. Interestingly in another sequence, perpendicularly affix to the immediate right of the warrior, there is an another scene of a war where probably, the same warrior being represented as subduing or defeating a person of his enemy class. Thus the danapati or dampati, certainly from royal or feudal 119. Sarma, N.C. : Asamiya Loka Samskritir Abhas(1989),2005,p.216 120. Crooke, W. : The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Vol.I, 1978, p.70 121. Desai, D. : Op-cit, 1985, p.93

190 enclave seem to have performed any special form of puja of hedonistic nature in search of a victory in a forthcoming battle where dance of this auspicious lady is an essential item to perform. Numerous reference about the pre or post battle ritualistic observation with dance and music are there to the pages of our literary sources, and one such beautiful description being found in Darang Rajbonsaboli, however, of much later age, where lord Mahadeva asked Koch king Naranarayan to perform his Puja with dance and music so to confirmed his victory against the Ahom. 122 Along with that some solo musical representations are also found to the narathara section of the main temple plinth. These type of representations are available mainly in the context of linga Puja(fig. 12.6). In one such scene, an woman musician being represented with a string instrument while the other on her side simply listening her. In two other corresponding sequence of the same penal, First, there is a scene of linga puja where an woman offering Puja to a linga with a Padma and in the next sequence there are three women in a procession, carrying the weight of a bell, and simultaneously plying a Pepa (organ). Leader of this procession with her raised hand directing the procession or the musical nodes. Connecting these representations with the description of Linga Purana, it is interesting to find that these are the scenes figuring the ceremonious observation that should have taken place on the occasion of the installation of linga. 123 122. Shastri, B. & Chaliha, B.P.(ed.) : Daranga Rajavamsaali, 2002, vv. 325-327 123. Linga Purana , 2/47