Expiatory Rites in Keralite Tantra
by T. S. Syamkumar | 2017 | 59,416 words
This page relates 鈥楻itual Gift as a Mode of Expiation鈥� of the study on Expiatory Rites in Sanskrit literature and ancient Indian religion and society, with special reference to Keralite Tantra. Further references to texts include those found in Shaivism, Vaishnavism and Shaktism as well as Dharmashastra literature. This study also investigates temple records and inscriptions of Kerala in order to demonstrate the connection between social life and expiatory rites and its evolution.
Go directly to: Footnotes.
4. Ritual Gift as a Mode of Expiation
顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹�, the especially primordial ritual gift system, are also seen in Kerala Tantric ritual manuals. In 峁欢惫别诲补, various 顿腻苍补stutis were found and these hymns show that the ritual gift system was performed in that age, mostly with an altruistic nature.[1] Vijay Nath has observed thus: 鈥湺倌宀圆� in 峁欢惫别诲补 is generally found to be connected with munificent gifts made mostly by tribal chiefs to hymnodists and priests at 驰补箩帽补 performances to promote the group well being.鈥�[2] In the post-Vedic period, the idea of 顿腻苍补 became forcefully unified and linked to sin and expiatory rites. Brahmins endorse this ritual gift system for reinstating the divine concept of purity, but absolutely, it was a depraved way to achieve money and land.[3] Kerala Tantrism as well promotes 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� for the confiscation of bad effects, impurities and blemishes of individuals and temple premises. A brief description of the same is given below.
1. 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� in 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨
Ravi, the author of 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨 has suggested different 顿腻苍补s and 顿补办峁峁嚹乻 in connection with the expiatory rituals for the reparation of trembling and falling down of 尝颈峁単补[4] 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨 recommended that different properties like silver, gold, pearls, brass vessels, goat, she-buffalo and cow are to be gifted to the Guru.[5] As the expiation of breaking up the 碍补濒补艣补, 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨 also suggests giving of cow and food to the Guru.[6] This text significantly suggests that the gift should be appeasing and satisfying the Guru; on the contrary it is believed that the all Karmas will be futile.[7] It is noteworthy that the sometimes include even the female servant (顿腻蝉墨).[8] From the descriptions of the expiatory rites in 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨, it can be inferred that the money and other valuable materials are accumulated in the hands of Brahmanical priesthood through the concept and practice of expiation.[9] The untouchability, inapproacha-bility and concept of 顿补办峁峁嚹� are also related to landlordism and casteism.
2. 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� in 痴颈峁ａ箛耻蝉补峁僪颈迟腻
痴颈峁ａ箛耻蝉补峁僪颈迟腻 also suggests the donation of gold, land, cow, clothes and ornaments to the priest as part of the expiation.[10]
Feeding of 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫补 Brahmin is the main expiation for impurities affected in the sanctum sanctorum and temple courtyard. For example,
鈥�.鈥� 惫颈辫谤腻苍 辫腻测补蝉补峁� vai峁ａ箛av膩n bah奴n ||
br膩hma峁嚹乶 bhojayed ||
da艣膩n膩峁� p膩yasen膩tra dey膩 艣akty膩 ca dak峁峁嚹� || [11]
痴颈峁ａ箛耻-蝉补峁僪颈迟腻 mainly propagate the ideals of 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫颈蝉尘. So in 痴颈峁ａ箛耻-蝉补峁僪颈迟腻 the 顿腻苍补s and 顿补办峁峁嚹乻 have a leaning towards the 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫补 Brahmins only.
3. 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� in Tantrasamuccaya
Tantrasamuccaya depicts a variety of 顿腻苍补s and 顿补办峁峁嚹乻.
According to the author of Tantrasamuccaya, the nature of ritual gift is given as:
蝉惫补谤峁嚹乶腻峁� 艣补迟补办补峁� dad膩tu gurave sadya prati峁ａ弓h膩k峁泃e d膩tr膩d膩t峁沵anapras膩dajanan墨 y膩 dak峁峁嚹� sottam膩 |
gobh奴my膩disamarpa峁嘺pramukhato'pyena峁� sam膩r膩ghnuy膩nm奴rtt墨艣膩napi tadda艣膩峁兣沘paridatyanya峁兣沜a tadbh膩gata岣� || [12]
Tantrasamuccaya recommends hundred gold coins, cow, land (叠丑奴尘颈诲腻苍补), gems and silk cloth are gifted to the Guru. Tantrasamuccaya significantly state that the remuneration giving to the priest should be satisfying for both parties like the owner and priest. Besides it suggests one tenth of the remuneration given to the assistants, and other participants shall also be given a portion of the remuneration.[13]
4. Historical Evidence of Tantric Ritual Gift System in Kerala
A number of inscriptions and temple documents found and deciphered show that the practices of 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� were profusely existed in Kerala temples.[14] Kollam R膩me艣varattukoyil inscription (CE 1102) proves that 顿腻苍补s in the form of expiations were performed in the early-medieval period. This inscription recorded that King R膩mavarma鈥檚 donations to the temple were an act of expiating his sin of hostile attitude towards the 叠谤腻丑尘补峁嘺蝉.[15] The T峁沺pa峁単ode inscription of Kota Ravi shows that the original endowments of daily worship, sandal wood paste in the idol, incense (罢峁沺辫耻办补), lighting of lamb (Tiruvi岣穉kku), food offering to the god (Nivedya), daily sacrifice, procession and feeding the Brahmin are in the form of a 顿腻苍补.[16] Another evidence is that one of the Travancore royal king performed a 顿腻苍补 including a vast area of land, a bunch of areca nut made of gold, seven and half elephants and hook and stick, used for controlling the elephant, made of gold to the E峁熱篃um膩n奴r temple as an expiation of his sinful acts of trespassing the temple compound with his army and breaking the temple sanctity.[17] The Kaviy奴r inscription of 951 CE mentions that Maki芦a帽ceri Tevan made a land gift for the Tiruvi岣穉kku, Tiruvam峁泃u, T峁沺puka and T峁沜candanam in the temple.[18] 惭腻谤迟迟腻峁囜笉补 Varma of Travancore performed a 罢耻濒腻辫耻谤耻峁诲腻苍补 and T峁沺pa峁璱d膩na, which are very famous in Kerala History.[19]
5. Social and Economic Milieu of 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹�
In the socio-economic milieu of Kerala, the 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� directly and indirectly encouraged the system of landlordism. The landlord structure has promoted the Brahmanical priest hood as well. The major part of the cultivable lands and housing lands were possessed by the Brahmins through the method of 叠丑奴尘颈诲腻苍补 (donation of land). Prof. Ilankulam Kunjan Pillai records that, Namputiri Brahmins also gained land through the Janm墨 system.[20] The feudal social construction is intimately linked to landlordism. According to Vijay Nath: 鈥淸鈥�.] in the emergent feudal context, the role of a 顿腻苍补 ideology as a mechanism of social control gained in importance. In a feudal ethos, 顿腻苍补 ritualism, besides offering an extra economic sanction to the ruling class for surplus extraction, also became one of the forms of exploitation of the producing classes.鈥�[21] The gifted property and material goods are divided in to two Devasvam and Brahmasvam. The Devasvam related to the temples and the Brahmasvam is directly under the possession of Brahmins. The Devasvam was also directly or indirectly controlled by the Brahmins. Under the Janm墨 system, the land owners were called as 弄r膩岣穉r (Proprietors of the village), they give the land to the K膩r膩岣穉r (Lease holders of the land), in a rental fee system. However, the K膩r膩岣穉r were not directly engaged in farming, they entrusted the land to the ordinary peoples for farming.[22] It is observed that the Devasvam and Brahmasvam concepts were chosen by the Brahmins for gaining valuable properties and they precisely use these concepts to strengthen the prevailing of caste system.
The 叠丑奴尘颈诲腻苍补 was fundamentally developed in the opening centuries of the Christian era, as the socio-economic organism was mainly related to the agriculture-based economy.[23] The land gradually gained much importance in the society. As an impact of this the ritual gift system made easy the handing over of the land to the Brahmins. Tiruvalla copper plate gives even the minute details of 顿腻苍补s made to the temples.[24] For example there is description of an endowment of 100,000 Pa峁焌 of paddy for feeding the Brahmins, 200,000 Pa峁焌 paddy for the food offering of the deity and 1, 200 Pa峁焌 paddy for offering ghee to the deity.[25] The 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� were also given in temples for the removal of sin and for attaining 笔耻峁噛补. As a consequence, a large amount of the money and land have come in the hands of the temple authorities, actually lead by the Brahmins. It paved the way for a new form of Brahmanical domination and social discrimination. S.A. Dange truly notes that 顿腻苍补 in 峁歡vedic time was primarily in the sense of distribution and sharing.[26] Later in the medieval period the concept of 顿腻苍补 and 顿补办峁峁嚹� were used by the aristocracy in a crooked way for attaining money, land and other priceless things. For justifying the discrimination and exploitation, the religious groups have used various authoritative scriptures and its concepts, and thus they perpetuated their social-economic power. The Brahmin-priestly class has incorporated the social customs and laws of 顿丑补谤尘补艣腻蝉迟谤补蝉 to the Tantric rituals as the most momentous supporting force.
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
See 峁欢惫别诲补 1.125, 6.47.22-25, 7.18.22-25, 7.5.37-39 & 8.6.46-48.
[3]:
Vijay Nath observed thus: 鈥渢he concept of ritual pollution was yet another development directly related to the tightening of 痴补谤峁嘺 restrictions and 顿腻苍补 to 叠谤腻丑尘补峁嘺 as became the chief means of regaining purity. Thus 顿腻苍补 during this period became central to most expiatory and penitentiary rites, and was, to a large extent, instrumental in augmenting 痴补谤峁嘺 differentiation.鈥� See Dynamics of Ritual Gift System, p. 51. Also Manu to inform respectfully the importance of 顿腻苍补 expiation, according to this by confession by repentance, by penitential austerities, and Vedic study, a sinner is absolved of his sin; of a sin committed in time of distress one is absolved by gift making. 惭补苍耻蝉尘峁泃颈, 11.228.
[4]:
笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨, 21.82.
[5]:
[6]:
笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨, 21.76-79.
[7]:
[8]:
诲腻蝉墨峁� gurave pradady膩d | 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨 21. 84. Also, 笔谤补测辞驳补尘补帽箩补谤墨, 18.22, 24. About the discussion of the term 顿腻蝉墨, Jonathan Silk has shared an important view: 鈥淭he most common Sanskrit word for slave is 顿腻蝉补, feminine 顿腻蝉墨. In recent years interest in the study of the 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 traditions of India has increased. Literally 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 means 鈥渟lave woman of Gods鈥�, but in usage the term refers rather than the temple courtesans.鈥� Cited in 艢补颈惫补 Rites of Expiation, Introduction by Goodall, p. 42, fn. 58. The South Indian 艢补颈惫补 膧gama, 鲍迟迟补谤补办腻尘颈办补 gives some valuable evidence of the term 骋补峁噄办补 in the sense of a courtesan. 鲍迟迟补谤补办腻尘颈办补 also discusses the conception of 搁耻诲谤补驳补峁噄办补 or Rudrakanya, as daughters of 艢颈惫补; See 艢补颈惫补 Rites of Expiation, pp. 38-46. Whereas various historical reference also attests that the system of 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 was prevalent in early medieval Kerala. The Cokk奴r inscription, (CE 898, for details of this inscription, see South Indian Inscriptions, VII, p. 72), Tiruvalla inscription (12th century, see Travancore Archeological Series, II, III, pp. 131-207) and Tirunantikkara copper plates (CE 892) evidently articulate about the existence of 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 system in Kerala. Another inscription found at Vadukkunn膩tha temple at Trissur also gives a valuable information of 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 system. (Travancore Archeological Series, Vol.VI, part. II, p. 194). Moreover, the two panels of 顿别惫补诲腻蝉墨 sculpture in T峁沰kula艣ekharapuram temple near Tiruva帽cikulam (Kodungallur) has clearly pointed out that this system has existed in Kerala temples also in the early medieval period. See, Sampattum Adhik膩ravum T峁浥浥浥玶il Ninnu岣丰阜a K膩岣籧a, Venugopalan, T.R., Current Books, Trissur, 2012, pp. 98-99.
[9]:
For more details vide Sangamesan, K.M., op.cit., pp. 231-232.
[10]:
痴颈峁ａ箛耻-蝉补峁僪颈迟腻, 25.48-53.
[11]:
痴颈峁ａ箛耻-蝉补峁僪颈迟腻, 25.20, 59 and 84.
[12]:
Tantrasamuccaya, 6.85-87.
[13]:
Idem. Also see Tantrasamuccaya, 5.133.
[14]:
Most of the inscriptions found in Kerala largely deal with the 顿腻苍补 details. See Tiruvalla copper plates, Tirunantikkara copper plates etc. Also See Travancore Archeological Series, Vol. III, Pt. I, No. 6 & 9; Vol. IV. pt. I, Nos. 4-6-2; Vol. V. pt. I, Nos. 16-7-19-24-39; Vol. VI. Pt. I, Nos. 21-24; Vol. VI. Pt. II, Nos. 81-88-96-97, 115-121 and Vol. VII, Pt. I, Nos. 4-7-14-20.
[15]:
The Kerala Temple and the Early Medieval Agrarian System, p. 4.
[16]:
pa峁乺ar u峁璦iya n膩岣穚a峁卥i潞ukkun tiruccantanattinukkun nivedyatti潞ukkum o岣穟kka-vukkum pa峁璦rippidipp膩潞umtiruvakkiratti潞ukkum. See M.G.S. Naryanan, Perumals of Kerala, Cosmo books, Thrissur, 2013, p. 347.
[17]:
Sreedhara Menon, A., 碍别谤补岣穉蝉补峁僺办腻谤补峁�, D.C Books, 2015, p. 48.
[18]:
Narayanan, M.G.S., Perumals of Kerala, p. 347, 476.
[19]:
For details vide Sreedhara Menon, A., Kerala Caritram, D. C. Books, Kottayam, 2015, p. 280.
[20]:
Vide Gangadharan, T. K., Keralam Caritrvum Sa峁僺k膩ravu峁�, p. 253.
[21]:
Cf. Vijay Nath, Dynamics of Ritual Gift System, p. 53.
[22]:
Gangadharan,T. K., op.cit., p. 254-255.
[23]:
Vijay Nath notes: 鈥淚t was however, only from the opening centuries of the Christian era that the practice of making land grants actually gained the momentum. The development was largely the fallout changes occurring in the contemporary politico-economic field. By the fifth century AD, a flourishing market system had been effectively replaced by an agriculture based economy, which automatically catapulted land in to a position of being the most valued and coveted item not only of wealth but also ritual gift making鈥�, Dynamics of Ritual Gift System, p. 37.
[24]:
Tiruvalla copper plate mentioned the king 痴墨谤补 颁辞岣穉 (颁辞岣穉 笔补谤腻苍迟补办补 907 CE to 955 CE) and his queen Ki芦膩n A峁璱ka岣�. Also the king Manukul膩ditya (Cera king 叠丑腻蝉办补谤补 Ravi 962 CE to 1021 CE) is mentioned as a donor. The content of this copper plate reveals that it was composed in different periods and collected in later age. About the date of this record M.G.S. Narayanan comments: 鈥淭he script and language suggest the middle of the 11th century. The absence to 鈥�accu鈥� which became popular by the middle of the 12th century would preclude the idea of the plates belonging to the later period.鈥� Perumals of Kerala, p. 473.