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The next definite evidence regarding the spread of Jainism in ancient Bengal is furnished by a copper-plate grant, dated in the year 159 of the Gupta Era (equivalent to 479 CE) found during excavations at Paharpur, District Rajshahi, Bangladesh. The site is famous for the big Buddhist 蝉迟奴辫补 and monastery of the 笔腻濒补 period. However, this inscription is the earliest known archaeological record regarding Jainism in ancient Bengal during the Gupta period (Dikshit 1983: 59-64). The grant records the endowment by a Brahmin named N膩tha艣arman and his wife 搁腻尘墨 who deposited 3 诲墨苍腻谤补蝉 or gold coins with the city council (补诲丑颈蝉丑峁环腻苍-腻诲丑颈办补谤补峁嘺) to secure 1 办耻濒测补惫腻辫补 and 4 诲谤艒峁嘺惫腻辫补蝉 of lands for the maintenance of worship with sandal, incense, flowers, lamps, etc. of the divine Arhats at the 惫颈丑腻谤补 of 痴补峁璦-G艒h膩l墨 which was presided over by the disciples and the disciples of disciples of the Nirgrantha 艢谤补尘补峁�-腻肠丑腻谤测补 (Jain preceptor) Guhanadin, belonging to the pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 section (苍颈办腻测补) of 碍腻艣颈 (Benares). The land which was donated by the Brahman couple was situated in four different villages all lying within the 顿补办峁�i峁嚹佱箖艣补办补 惫墨迟丑墨 and 狈腻驳颈谤补峁�峁�补 尘补峁囜笉补濒补 under the 笔耻峁囜笉谤补惫补谤诲丑补苍补 bhukti.

The Jain 惫颈丑腻谤补 at 痴补峁璦-G艒h膩l墨 mentioned in this inscription, it would appear, must have stood at the original site of the present temple at Paharpur. The boundaries of the site are partly situated within the limits of the village of G艒膩lbhi峁��� to the north-west and the mound where the temple was unearthed was pointed out to Dr. Buchanan Hamilton in 1807 as 鈥淕艒膩lbhi峁�膩r P膩h膩r鈥�. The identification of G艒膩lbhi峁��� with the ancient 痴补峁璦-G艒h膩l墨 easily suggests itself as the stem G艒h膩l墨 is substantially identical with G艒膩l. Very few relics of Jainism have come to light during the excavation of the site, though Brahmanical and Buddhist sculptures are numerous. However, the inscriptional evidence support that there was a Jain 惫颈丑腻谤补 during the Gupta period and it is really interesting that the donation of a Brahman couple for the worship of Jinas, as recorded here, for it bespeaks of the religious toleration of the people of the period.

It is apparent from the same inscription that this Guhanadin was flourishig at least a century before the date of this inscription. We also assume that it was originally founded by 艣颈峁�y补蝉 and pra艣颈峁�y补蝉 of Guhanadin. Probably this 惫颈丑腻谤补 was built 50 years before the date of this copper-plate. Guhanadin himself probably lived in the last quarter of the fourth century CE at 碍腻艣颈.

In this inscription we also know that Guhanadin belonged to the pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 section (苍颈办腻测补) of 碍腻艣颈 (Benares). This pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 苍颈办腻测补 is to be found in the non-canonical literature of Digambaras. The great 痴墨谤补蝉别苍补, the famous author of the 顿丑补惫补濒腻, and Jinasena, the author of the 膧诲颈辫耻谤腻峁嘺 belonged to the pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 苍颈办腻测补 sect (Premi 1942: 127ff). In Hari峁�ena鈥檚 叠峁沨补迟办补迟丑腻办辞艣补 (Upadhye 1943: 12. 132 ff) we have as account of the founding of five 蝉迟奴辫补s (pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补) at Mathura^[1]. It is probable that the Digambara monks belonging to the pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 sect of Mathura afterwards sent a few of their members to different parts of India. It is also not unlikely that Benares was the earliest seat of this particular sect. In any case, we have to regard pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 苍颈办腻测补 sect as one of the earliest branches of the Digambara School. In South Indian inscriptions also we come across pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 苍颈办腻测补 monks. The Paharpur inscription, therefore, proves the early popularity of the Digambara religion in ancient Bengal. We have already taken note of the fact that Bengal accepted Jainism long before any other state of India, and it appears that in the Gupta period the Digambaras succeeded in extending their sphere of influence in Bengal at the expense of the 艢惫别迟腻尘产补谤补蝉.

The Jagadishpur Copper-Plate inscription dated 128 Gupta Year (448 CE), may also be accepted as another important and relevant document throwing light on the spread and popularity of Jainism in ancient Bengal during the Gupta period (Pl.I.C & D).

The Jagadishpur Copper-Plate^[2] on which this grant is inscribed was acquired by the Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi, towards the latter part of November 1961 from a Hindu gentleman of Jagadishpur village under the Puthia police station in Rajshahi district.

This copper-plate is not like the ordinary royal grants of land made to the Brahmans; however, it is a peculiar kind of sale-deed which was in vogue during the Gupta Era as it records the State鈥檚 confirmation of sale of land transacted between the Government and the purchasers. It was issued from the office of the 膧测耻办迟补办补 Acyuta of 艢峁涐箙驳补惫别谤补 惫墨迟丑墨 of 笔奴谤峁嘺办补耻艣颈办腻. It records the grant of one 办耻濒测补惫腻辫补 (i.e. 8 诲谤辞峁嘺惫腻辫补蝉)^[3] of land of 补办峁�a测补-苍墨惫墨 tenure by three donors (K峁�em膩ka, Bhoyila and Mah墨d膩sa).

The grant portion reads:

鈥�dak峁�i峁嘺峁兣沘ke v墨thy膩 mecik膩mrasiddh膩yatane
bhagavannamrhat膩nk膩ritkavih膩re gulmagandhikec 膩rhatamp奴j膩rttha峁僰aritaka
pranta惫颈丑腻谤颈办腻y膩峁� tatraiva gulmagandhike bhagavatassahasra-ra艣me岣�
k膩ritakadevakule ca balicarusatra pravarttan膩ya
kha峁囜笉aphu峁�峁璦pratisa峁僺k膩rakara峁嚹亂a gandhadh奴patailopayoga膩ya
艣补艣惫补迟办腻濒辞辫补产丑辞驳测腻办峁�a测补苍墨惫测腻鈥�鈥�

The 惫颈丑腻谤补, referred to in the passage, has been taken by D.C. Sircar as a Buddhist monastery (Sircar 1973: 11). While S. Siddhanta (1972: 25-26) suggests its Jain affiliation. Siddhanta鈥檚 statement regarding this 惫颈丑腻谤补 is acceptable and there are some reasons behind this assumption. Firstly, the 惫颈丑腻谤补 was built for Bhagavan arhatan. D.C. Sircar (ibid.) failed to explain the use of plural number in the formation of the word, arhatan and took it as an 鈥渆xpression of gaurava鈥�. However, if the word arhat is taken to refer to a 罢墨谤迟丑补峁卥补谤补 then the reason for use of plural number can easily be obtained, as the Jains recognized twenty-four 罢墨谤迟丑补峁卥补谤补s. U.P. Shah (1987: 1) has pointed out that though the term arhat was used both by the Buddhists and the Jainas, in later period it exclusively denoted a Jina or a 罢墨谤迟丑补峁卥补谤补.

Secondly, 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 is a term which is intimately associated with the Jain religious thought. In Jain canons the stock description of a Jain temple is that of a Siddhayatana (Shah 1987: 13). Usually the 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补s housed the 艣腻艣惫补迟补箩颈苍补 辫谤补迟颈尘腻蝉^[4], four in number, namely, 颁补苍诲谤腻苍补苍补, 痴腻谤颈峁�e峁嘺, 峁氠梗补产丑补 and 痴补谤诲诲丑补尘腻苍补 (闯墨惫腻箩墨惫腻产丑颈驳补尘补 蝉奴迟谤补 s奴.137 1989: 225). They are called the 艣腻艣惫补迟补箩颈苍补s because in every 耻迟蝉补谤辫颈峁嚹� and 补惫补蝉补谤辫颈峁嚹� age, names of these four are always repeated and they flourish in any of the fifteen 办补谤尘补产丑奴尘颈蝉.

The 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 was a highly ornamented shrine having three entrances. In front of each entrance there was a 尘耻办丑补尘补峁囜笉补辫补 (portico) adorned with the 补峁ａ弓补尘补峁単补濒补 motifs. In front of each of these, there was a 辫谤别办峁Ｄ乬峁沨补尘补峁囜笉补辫补 (assembly hall). A caitya/蝉迟奴辫补, on a 尘补峁噄辫墨峁环颈办腻, was erected in front of each 辫谤别办峁Ｄ乬峁沨补尘补峁囜笉补辫补. On the four sides of each 蝉迟奴辫补 there was 尘补峁噄辫墨峁环颈办腻s, each platform surmounted by Jina figures sitting in the 辫补谤测补峁卥腻蝉补苍补 facing the 蝉迟奴辫补. In front of each caityas t奴pa there was a platform with a 肠补颈迟测补惫峁沰峁�a and just before this 肠补颈迟测补惫峁沰峁�a there was a 尘补峁噄辫墨峁环颈办腻 surmounted by a mahendradhvaja (or Indradhvaja) with a round staff and adorned with thousand of flags, 补峁ａ弓补尘补峁単补濒补s, etc. These caitya蝉迟奴辫补, 肠补颈迟测补惫峁沰峁�a and mahendradhvaja, which are described here, do not form part of the main structure of the 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 (ibid. 1987: 13). On the basis of the above account from the J墨v膩j墨v膩bhigama蝉奴迟谤补 (1989: 3.2.137ff) we may assume that the Jain temple of this age was a composition of a sanctum, an adjacent hall and a 辫谤别办峁Ｄ乵补峁囜笉补辫补. This last mentioned hall was possibly a little separated from the main structure though the Jain texts do not clearly say this.

According to U.P. Shah, the plan of the Jain shrine which is mentioned in the J墨v膩j墨v膩bhigama蝉奴迟谤补 (3.2.137ff) possibly belonged to the early Gupta period. However, the general description of decorative motifs in the temples and pillars etc. were popular from 碍耻峁Ｄ佱箛补 period and sometimes goes back to the age of the Sanchi and Bharhut 蝉迟奴辫补s (Shah 1955: 58).

We do not think that all the 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补s conformed to this description and were so much elaborate, though it is clear that the Jain temple complexes and their architectural ramifications depended on the richness of the monastic organizations. On the basis of the above description the Mecik膩mra 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 mentioned in the present inscription may be accept as a Jain establishment.

Thirdly, the Mecik膩mra 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 was situated in the 顿补办峁�i峁嚹佱箖艣补办补 v墨thy膩 i.e., in the southern part of the 惫墨迟丑墨 or subdivision. The Jain monastery of 痴补峁璦g艒h膩l墨, referred to in the Paharpur inscription also existed in the same 惫墨迟丑墨. Is it possible that some religious institutions of Jain affiliation existed in the 惫墨迟丑墨 from at least around 448 CE.

The Jagadishpur Copper-Plate inscription records that the donated lands were entrusted to 艣谤补尘补峁嘺办-腻肠腻谤测补 Balaku峁囜笉u, just as 艣谤补尘补峁嘺办-腻肠腻谤测补 Guhanandin received the grant in favour of the monastery of 痴补峁璦g艒h膩l墨. Similarity in the titles of these monks, Balaku峁囜笉u and Guhanandi, may be regarded as the fourth argument in support of the Jain character of the monasteries referred to in both Jagadishpur and Paharpur copper-plate inscriptions. The Jainas consider five categories of monks as their foremost preceptors. The 腻肠腻谤测补, placed in charge of a monastic establishment, was considered as superior in rank to the 蝉腻诲丑耻 and the 耻辫腻诲丑测补测补 but inferior to a 罢墨谤迟丑补峁卥补谤补.

The Mecik膩mra 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补 recorded in the Jagadishpur inscription is said to have been situated within a 惫颈丑腻谤补, whereas the establishment of the Gulmagandhika village is called a 辫谤腻苍迟补惫颈丑腻谤颈办腻. Thus, it may be presumed that the latter was a branch of the former. The main centre of the 惫颈丑腻谤补 or monastery was in the town and it had it branches in some villages like Gulmagandhika and such branches were called 惫颈丑腻谤颈办腻. Gulmagandhika was a village under the 艢峁涐箙驳补惫别谤补-惫墨迟丑墨. The sectarian affiliation of this 惫颈丑腻谤腻 is not known. If it belonged to a sect other than the pa帽cha蝉迟奴辫补 苍颈办腻测补 then we may infer that different sects of the Jainas existed in ancient Bengal, especially in Rajshahi region, and the latter became an important centre of their activities.

The three donors of the Jagadishpur record who made grants in favour of the aforesaid 惫颈丑腻谤补, 惫颈丑腻谤颈办腻 and devakula, were 办耻峁璾尘产颈苍蝉 or agriculturist house holders. Of them, K峁�emaka was an inhabitant of M奴lakavastuka in 笔耻峁囜笉谤补惫补谤诲丑补苍补, while Mah墨d膩sa and Bhoyila resided at 骋耻濒尘补驳补苍诲丑颈办腻. Caste affiliations of these donors are not known. However, when we recall the gift of N膩tha艣arman and 搁腻尘墨 along with this, we cannot but conclude that during the Gupta period Jainism was flourishing in North Bengal and persons of various castes and ranks, irrespective of their sex, adhered to this faith.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Among the five Jain 蝉迟奴辫补s in and around 惭补迟丑耻谤腻, the oldest and the most famous one were known as Devanimita 蝉迟奴辫补. The name of this 蝉迟奴辫补 is also supported by a second century CE (167 CE) inscription. Haribhadra s奴ri, in his v艞tti on the 膧va艣yaka Niryukti, also called it Devanirmita (Shah 1955: 63).

[2]:

It has been said that the copper-plate was discover while digging a well, at a depth of about 15 feet below the ground level and the condition of the copperplate is without corrosion. The copperplate is rectangular in shape. There are 29 horizontal lines, of which 14 are inscribed on the obverse and 15 on the reverse side. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit; however the text is full of errors and contains a number of vernacular forms. The script is of the northern Brahmi type (Siddhanta 1972: 23-25).

[3]:

In this inscription it is further mentioned that out of one 办耻濒测补惫腻辫补 (i.e. 8 诲谤辞峁嘺惫腻辫补蝉) of gift land, an area of seven 诲谤辞峁嘺惫腻辫补蝉 was situated in the northeastern part of Gulmagandhika and one in the vicinity of the temple. The boundaries of this gifted land are also point out in this inscription i.e.鈥搕he kandara of a tank in the east; the deva-kandara of the tank of Dhanavi峁ａ箛u in the south; 鈥淣abhraka鈥檚 property鈥� in the west and some 办耻峁囜笉补 or pond in the north (Sircar 1973: 12).

[4]:

We found long descriptions of 蝉颈诲诲丑腻测补迟补苍补s and 艣腻艣惫补迟补-Jinas is found in the 鲍辫腻峁単补 text called the J墨v膩j墨v膩bhigama 蝉奴迟谤补 (s奴.139: 232-33). These eternal shrines are found in various heavens and on mountain peaks (Shah. 1987: 86).