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痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 was known for its trade activities. There are frequent mentions of trading enterprises in the 闯腻迟补办补蝉. Though the 闯腻迟补办补蝉 were composed much later than the early period of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨, yet their description and some corresponding archaeological findings indicated existence of a fast growing trade. Some of the 闯腻迟补办补 stories describe merchants going for a cross country business trip with 500 wagons of merchandise.^[1] Trade routes often passed through deserts, dense forests or they were infested wild beasts, robbers. Travellers also had to face problems of drought, shortage of food or water. Despite these difficulties the caravan traders carried on their business ventures even in a larger scale because they were highly profitable. Therefore ignoring these problems the long distance trade went on ever increasing. The 闯腻迟补办补蝉 rather described to the distant places to which 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 merchants had their trade contacts. For example, some 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 merchants taking the link from a bird set out to a voyage to Babylonia.^[2] The 艢补峁卥丑补 闯腻迟补办补 referred to a journey to the 厂耻惫补谤峁嘺 dvipa.

The Indian travellers knew the seas like 碍丑耻谤补尘腻濒补 (Persian gulf), Agnim膩la (red Sea), Dadhim膩la, Nilakusam膩la, 狈补濒补尘腻濒补 (unidentified) and Balabhumukha (the Mediterranean Sea).^[3] Archaeological proofs to support these statements are however few. But the 闯腻迟补办补 references were probably not corresponding to the earliest period of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨. Trade in the period I of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 was very rudimentary, based on some kind of barter and spatially limited. In the period II, when various crafts and arts also became developed commercial links were set up to contemporary cities of 搁腻箩补驳峁沨补, 艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨, Ujjain, Taxila etc. This has been confirmed by discovery of some similar beads from other contemporary cities. Beads were manufactured at archaeological sites of Rajghat, Prahladpur, Diha, 痴补颈艣腻濒墨, Muzaffarpur, Ganwaria.

At Rajghat seven unfinished agate beads were found. A long circular barrel, banded agate bead of 400- 200 BCE of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 is similar to another bead of 艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨 of the same period. The same way a short barrel bead of carnelian is identical to Ahichatra and a hexagonal green jasper bead of Taxila has a similarity with a 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 bead. These findings suggest a trade network among these early historic cities. A search for the raw materials of these beads may be relevant to the study of the trade links of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨. Nearest to 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨, Haematitic jasper and Chalcedonic quartz were available from Mirzapur district. Other nearby areas from where they could be gathered were Gaya, Saran etc. Vindhyachal plateau, a portion of which is extended to Sasaram region was a resource area of chert. This area was also a source of other minerals too. Probably this region was accessed by 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 traders for collection of raw materials.

There was a direct route from 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 to Sasaram. Some of the Vindhyan sites yielded various types of semi-precious stones. At Chopani Mando chalcedony, agate and carnelian were traced. These semi precious stones were also found at Mahagara Panchoh, Sringaverapura, Sonepur, Chirand, Kakoria, Sohgaura and Taradih. Local availability of these raw materials was converted into a ready supply to urban areas or manufacturing units by the trade routes and traders. This cultural axis and route was first explored in the proto-Neolithic, Neolithic times with the spread of cord impressed pottery and lithic hoard. In this phase this route was much more elaborate and thoroughly used. Routes were mainly riverine. Semi precious stones were transported in the route passing through Mirzapur, located in the Vindhyas to Allahabad and finally 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 through the 骋补峁単腻. From 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 to Ghazipur there was a good carriage road. Through this goods can be transported to other places by the 骋补峁単腻 or Gomti which were also navigable. Otherwise eastern Uttar Pradesh and North Bihar was also connected though the Ghagra. In this route Manjhi was an important stop. Mirzapur was also connected to Gaya. In this the river Son must have acted as the line of communication. But this was rather an alternative. The main one actually ran along the 骋补峁単腻 and connected Patna or Bhagalpur and proceeded farther towards Bengal. So a large cultural axis was already created in the early time of Neolithic period.

The picture that emerges is that different cultural zones in the middle 骋补峁単腻 plain depended on the Vindhyan raw materials. Firstly the contact was limited to 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨-Allahabad region with sites like Sringaverapura, Sarai-mohana and even 碍补耻艣腻尘产墨 located at its periphery. This may be taken as the nucleus or the primary basis of the axis of contact. It came into existence first because the region was physically closest to the Vindhyas. Later this cultural axis was enlarged and extended. The Ghagra-Rapti route tied the whole of Gorakhpur-Basti region to this axis. Thirdly the 础峁単补-Magadha region was also attached in this route through the 骋补峁単腻 or Son. This additions and alterations were necessitated by the fact that the Vindhyan plateau was a catchment area of minerals for all these sites located in the mineral deficient middle 骋补峁単腻 plains.^[4] From period III of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 we have evidence of even richer trade connections with distant and varied places. Different types of beads and pendants may be assignable to this period. A hexagonal bead of green jasper is similar to a 痴补颈艣腻濒墨 specimen. Leech beads of agate were also found at Ahichhatra,

艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨 and Taxila. It has been pointed out that it was common and favourite shape in Persia and Asia. The 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 specimen was however of a much later date. Probably the art and technique and style were adopted from foreign but it was otherwise an indigenous manufacture. Another very important class among the beads was glass eye beads found at Nevasa, 艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨 and Taxila. This has a Mediterranean origin. Some specimens of this group were found at 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨. This may have been locally manufactured which was learnt through commercial contacts. Some other beads and pendants of foreign origin were identified at these sites. Along with that tortoise pendants made of glass and shell are replicas of tortoise made of glazed quartz and green faience of Taxila. Similarities in these specimens point to a trade link among these places. Some terracotta sealings of foreign motifs were recovered from 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 belonging to the 2^nd- 3^rd centuries CE. They bore Graeco-Roman figures like Nike, Pallas, Herakles and Apollo. At Taxila similar sealings were discovered.

It is notable that both Taxila and 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 revealed Graeco-roman symbols and hence it highly probable that these places were connected to Graeco鈥揜oman world. 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 and other prominent places associated with Graeco鈥揜oman trade might not have a direct link to these distant places. Rather Taxila could have played the role of an entrepot and dispersal centre from where goods moved to both directions. Beads of lapis lazuli have been recovered from period II of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 and appeared in greater number from period III or IV. Such beads are found at other contemporary sites like 叠谤补丑尘补辫耻谤墨, 碍补耻艣腻尘产墨, 艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨, Taxila etc. lapis lazuli is not indigenous in India. It is available at 鈥淭artary鈥� Tibet or China and Kokcha valley of Badakshan in northern Afghanistan. In either case the raw material or the finished product were imported to India. That proves beyond doubt India鈥檚 trade relations with other countries and 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 was a part of this trade.^[5] 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 and Taxila was connected by a land route and it was a portion of the grand route passing from Peshawar to Bengal and finally to Calcutta. The grand road from Peshawar moves eastward while bending slightly northward. It moved to 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 first and then to Mithila. Merchants of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨,艢谤腻惫补蝉迟墨 and Soreyya took this route to reach Taxila.^[6]

The picture that emerges is that of a vibrant and busy economic life that felicitated or at least accompanied the urbanism of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨. It seems that 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 had a lot to offer to its inhabitants. The 闯腻迟补办补 stories furnished that there was lot of opportunities that attracted people to indulge in some kind of economic activities. Other than the regular and organised professions the 闯腻迟补办补蝉 often speaks of some new and unique jobs that could receive a positive response only in an urban site. In more than one occasions in the 闯腻迟补办补蝉, Bodhisatva appeared as an entertainer of some kind and earned a decent living out of this. During the festivals these entertainers arrived at 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 to try their luck. Bodhisattva played a drummer, conch-blower and an acrobat and earned a lot of money during festivals at 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨.^[7] In another place Bodhisatva was born in a corn factor鈥檚 family and earned his living by selling corns.^[8] People could even support themselves or their families by such humble means. It shows that the urban areas provided clientele for varied types of professions. Even there were some marginal groups who could live at the expense of other鈥檚 prosperity. One such group was the criminals who forcefully penetrated into other鈥檚 properity. For example Bodhisatva even emerged as the leader of a gang of 500 robbers living in the outskirts of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨.^[9] The other is the weak and obedient who waited patiently for the wealthy鈥檚 charity. This was the class of beggars and what appears from the 闯腻迟补办补蝉 that it was a recognised and regular charity funded by the government and even private concerns and individuals. At there were six almonries, of them four were located at four gates of the city.

Once, Bodhisatva was born as the son of a wealthy merchant whose wealth counted as eighty crores. He loved alms giving and those four almonries locate d at city gates and one at the centre of the city and the last one at his palace鈥檚 gate were all run by him. Everyday a large number of beggars gathered there.^[10] So surviving at the margins of other鈥檚 prosperity also offered an option to the disabled and worthless or even unruly. It was not only the winners but the losers could also accommodate themselves in the excesses of urban life. It shows that urban economic framework had a great absorbing power to make room for diverse groups. This led to the rise of an active economic and public life. It is notable that most professions might have their beginnings in the pre-urban phase but the developed of flourished state of economic activities was achieved only in the urban phase spanning from the 2^nd century BCE. The prosperity and abundance of wealth of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 was reflected in the description of festivals found in the 闯腻迟补办补蝉. We learn from Puppharatta 闯腻迟补办补 that during the Kartika festival the city was decorated like the city of Indra.^[11]

The overall emergent picture of 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 was that in its urban phase was a prosperous city. The festivals were reflections of wealth and abundance of the site. A favourable natural set up created a sound agricultural base, a developed handicraft segment and an associated trade network. Work opportunities were ample. There were regular and permanent jobs and also offered occasional and temporary jobs to tramps and marginalised. Availability of alms certainly attracted a number of poor, disabled or idle. Anti socials also found their chance to make money at the cost of others. It attracted people with its numerous opportunities and amenities. With its diverse economic opportunities 痴腻谤腻峁嘺蝉墨 truly emerged as a vibrant population centre. A survey of the old city may help us to verify the literary records on the economic prosperity and urban culture.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Purushottam Singh鈥揂rchaeology of the Ganga Plain, Delhi,Aryan Books International, 2010, pp.173-74.

[2]:

The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, Vol.1, no.1, Apa峁囜箛aka 闯腻迟补办补, no.2, Va峁囜箛upatha 闯腻迟补办补, translated from the Pali by Robert Chalmers, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp.1-12.

[3]:

The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, no.339, 叠腻惫别谤耻 闯腻迟补办补,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979,pp.83-84

[4]:

The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, no.463, Supparaka 闯腻迟补办补, Vol. V, translated from Pali by W.H.D. Rouse, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995, pp.86-91.

[5]:

Nyanjyot Lahiri-The Archaeology of Indian Trade Routes up to c.200 B.C.:Resource Use, Resource access and Lines of Communication, Oxford, 1992, pp. 256, 313.

[6]:

B.P.Singh-Life in Ancient Varanasi, op.cit. pp.242- 47.

[7]:

Moti Chandra, Trade and Trade routes in Ancient India, Abhinav Publications, Delhi, 1977, pp.1112.

[8]:

No.59, Bheriv膩da 闯腻迟补办补, no.60, Sa峁僰hadhamana 闯腻迟补办补,no.116, Dubacca 闯腻迟补办补,The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births,Vol.1, translated from the P膩li by Robert Chalmers, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp.146-47,259.

[9]:

The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, no.365, Ahigu峁囜笉ika 闯腻迟补办补,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979,pp.130-31.

[10]:

No.279, Satapatta 闯腻迟补办补, The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, Vol.2, translated from the Pali by W.H.D.Rouse, Edited by E.B. Cowell, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi,1990, pp. 264-65.

[11]:

The 闯腻迟补办补 or Stories of The Buddha鈥檚 Former Births, no.340, Visayha 闯腻迟补办补,Vol.III, Translated by H.T.Francis and R.A.Neil, Edited by E.B.Cowell, Cosmo publications, New Delhi, 1979, pp.85-86.