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The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is the oldest known chronicle of Ceylon written in 笔腻濒颈 by an unknown author. It deals with the history of the island from very early times up to the reign of King 惭补丑腻蝉别苍补. This text has been edited and translated by Oldenberg. George Turnour first declared that this text is identical with a version of the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 which is again occasionally identical with a version of the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 Tik膩 that preserved in the Uttara惫颈丑腻谤补 monastery. Collective scholarly opinions hold that it is not the work of a single author but is the literary production of a school or community of several authors. It appears after a long research work on the character of ancient chronicles of the Island, that there are certain element of truth in it beneath the miracles and super natural activities. It was the time when literary facilities were insufficient. The chronicles of Ceylon were mostly written by the Buddhist monks who were motivated mainly by religious thoughts as well as patriotic.

As the title suggests, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 contains the history of the island. The opening verses of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 say that鈥�(as translated into English by B. C. Law): -鈥楾he chronicle of Buddha鈥檚 coming to the Island, the arrival of the relic and the Bo-(Tree), the collection of the teacher鈥檚 words (made at the councils), the rise of the schools of teachers, the propagation of the religion in the Island and the coming of Vijaya, the chief of men, I am going to narrate, listen to me鈥�.

According to B. C. Law, 鈥榯he 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 grew into its present form in many stages concluding at different important historical events.

It is quite probable that the first stage closed with chapter VIII, with the establishment of Buddhist Sangha in the Island by Mahinda of which the concluding verse is:

la峁卥膩d墨pavara峁� gantv膩 Mahindo attapa帽camo |
s膩sanam th膩vara峁� katv膩 mocesi bandhan膩 bahu ||

i.e.鈥斺�楳ahinda had been to the most excellent Island of 尝补峁卥腻 with a group of five including him, firmly established the Buddha 厂腻蝉补苍补 and released many people from their fetters.鈥�

This verse shows the primary stage of establishment of Buddhism in the Island with the end of eight 产丑腻峁嘺惫腻谤补蝉. B.C.Law drew our attention in the fact that, the first stage did not extend beyond the advent of Mahinda, when King 顿丑腻迟耻蝉别苍补 caused it to be recited in public year after year during the Mahinda festival.

The following Chapters from IX-XVII end as 蝉补迟迟补谤补蝉补尘补峁� 产丑腻峁嘺惫腻谤补蝉 is just a later elaboration of the Buddhist mission.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 concluded in the second stage with an account of the death of Mahinda and the concluding verse is:

办补迟补峁� 蝉补谤墨谤补苍颈办办丑别辫补峁� 惭补丑颈苍诲补峁� 诲墨辫补箩辞迟补办补峁�
isibhum墨ti ta峁� 苍腻尘补峁� 蝉补尘补帽帽腻 辫补峁环补尘补峁� 补丑奴.

i.e.鈥斺�楢fter the funeral ceremonies for Mahinda, the enlightener of the Island, had been performed, that place first received the name of Isibhumi鈥�.

In the next stage, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 closed with the first half of the chapter XVIII, and with the verse 44 which was:

颈诲腻苍颈 atthi 补帽帽腻测辞 迟丑别谤颈办腻 尘补箩箩丑颈尘腻 苍补惫腻
惫颈产丑补箩箩补惫腻诲墨 vinay膩dhar膩 s膩sane pave峁噄p膩lak膩
bahussut膩 s墨lasampann膩 obh膩senti 尘补丑颈峁� iman ti

i.e.鈥斺�楴ow, there are aged, middle aged, and young 叠丑颈办办丑耻峁嚹玸 who are Vibhajjav膩d墨, holders of the Vinaya and preserver of the tradion, learned, virtuous and thereby illuminate the earth.鈥�

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 in its first stage describes the rise of early Buddhist sects. Each sect formed with some textual modifcations and took up some new rules and regulations. The first off-shoot of the Therav膩dins was the 惭补丑腻蝉补峁単丑颈办补蝉. It is stated in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 that the protesting Bhikkhus rejected the old form of the Vinaya, five collections of the Suttas, together with the 笔补谤颈惫腻谤补 which is an abstract of the Vinaya, the six sections of the Abhidhamma, the 笔补峁璱蝉补尘产丑颈诲腻, the Niddesa, and some portions of the 闯腻迟补办补, and composed new ones. The 顿墨辫补惫补尘蝉补 represents a succession of Vinaya teachers in India and rising of eighteen sects. 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 mentions six later Buddhist sects, viz, Hemavatik膩, R膩jagirik膩, Siddhatth膩, 笔耻产产补蝉别濒颈测腻, 础辫补谤补蝉别濒颈测腻 and Apara-R膩jagirik膩. We do not find mention of the 笔耻产产补蝉别濒颈测腻s and 础辫补谤补蝉别濒颈测腻s in any Indian inscription earlier than those of 础尘补谤腻惫补迟墨 and N膩g膩rjuniko峁囜笉膩. But the earlier eighteen sects together with the later six existed in Katth膩vatthu 础峁�峁�丑补办补迟丑腻 of Buddhaghosa.

According to B.C.Law, the 厂补尘补苍迟补辫腻蝉腻诲颈办腻 offers a succession of the Vinaya teachers in the Island from Mahinda and 础谤颈峁�峁�丑补 to the date of composition of the Vinaya commentary, while that cited from the 笔补谤颈惫腻谤补 and presumably also from the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补. It leads us to think of nineteen eminent successors of Mahinda upto first or second century A.D.

Thus there is an earlier form of 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 which was concluded in the reign of 叠丑腻迟颈办补-Abhaya.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 gives a genealogy of the Khattiyas from 惭补丑腻蝉补尘尘补迟补 to Suddhodana, which is now contained in Chapter III. The introduction to the 厂补尘补苍迟补辫腻蝉腻诲颈办腻 throws no light on the fact that, in what stage of the growth this portion was included in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补......... The 笔补谤颈惫腻谤补 speaks of twenty-nine generations traced from Mahinda, but the later teachers are not connected with the reign of any king. Allowing twenty years for the interval between any two successive generations, it is possible to think that the list brings us down to the first quarter of the 4th century A.D.The kings of Ceylon who are referred in the writings of the great Buddhaghosa and in the 厂补尘补苍迟补辫腻蝉腻诲颈办腻 are none later than 惭补丑腻苍腻驳补 or 颁辞谤补苍腻驳补, 叠丑腻迟颈办补, V膩sabha and 厂颈谤颈苍腻驳补. An eminent Thera named Deva is referred in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 during the reign of Tissa, the second son of 厂颈谤颈苍腻驳补-I.If this Thera be the same Vinaya teacher who is the last member of the aforesaid list, we may think that the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 as known to Buddhaghosa closed with the reign of 厂颈谤颈苍腻驳补-I and his two successors.Its final form concluded with the reign of 惭补丑腻蝉别苍补, was probably reached in the reign of 顿丑腻迟耻蝉别苍补 during which it was caused to be publicly recited. The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 speaks of the well known 罢丑别谤墨蝉 headed by Mah膩paj膩pati 骋辞迟补尘墨 who acquired high stage of santification in the Buddha鈥檚 lifetime. In the second stage it mentions the Theris, under the leadership of 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻, who went to the Island of Ceylon in 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补鈥檚 time and taught the five Vinaya books and the seven Abhidhamma treatises in 础苍耻谤腻诲丑补辫耻谤补. Then it offers a list of eminent 罢丑别谤墨蝉 of the Island of Ceylon who were ordained by the 罢丑别谤墨蝉 from India and became noted for their special attainments.The Theris of Ceylon are connected with the reign of K膩kava峁嚸盿-Tissa and those of the next stage with that of his son 顿耻峁�峁�丑补-骋腻尘补峁嚹� Abhaya. The Theris of the next stage are connected to the period after the death of 顿耻峁�峁�丑补-骋腻尘补峁噄, while those of the sixth stage are referred to the time of Va峁�峁璦g膩ma峁噄-Abhaya.It also lists the leading 罢丑别谤墨蝉 of the Island during the reign of Ku峁璱ka峁囜箛a Abhaya and those of the reign of his son and successor Bhatiya Abhaya.

The 顿墨辫补惫补尘蝉补 portrays three slightly different narrations regarding 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻 and the ther墨s who went to Ceylon like her. According to one 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻, 搁耻肠丑腻苍补苍诲腻, Kanakdatt膩 and 厂耻诲丑补尘尘腻 were the nuns, each of whom carried a branch of Bo-tree to the Island of Sri-Lanka.

According to another 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻 was accompanied by ten other nuns, viz, 鲍迟迟补谤腻, 贬别尘腻, 笔补蝉腻诲补辫腻濒腻, 础驳驳颈尘颈迟迟腻, 顿腻蝉颈办腻, Pheggu, Pabbat膩, 惭补迟迟腻, 惭补濒濒腻 and Dhammad膩siy膩.

According to the third the leading Theris, 惭补丑腻诲别惫墨, 笔补诲耻尘腻, 贬别尘腻s膩, Unnal膩, 础帽箩补濒颈 and 厂耻尘腻, accompanied 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻 together with sixteen thousand nuns. According to Oldenberg, the closing date of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 in its existing form is between the begining of the fourth and the first third of the fifth century A.D.According to G.P.Malalasekera,鈥斺�淚t could not have been closed before the beginnig of the fourth century, because its narrative extends till about A.D. 302. Buddhaghosa quote several times from the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补, but his quotations differ in some details from our version. In the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 we are told that 顿丑腻迟耻蝉别苍补 (459-477 A.D.) ordered the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 to be recited in public at the annual Mahinda festival, so that by that time the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 had been completed. After that date it fell in disuse, its glory outdone by the more brilliant work of 惭补丑腻苍腻尘补; but it seems to have been studied still much later, because Dhammakitti III of the 膧谤补峁噛补办补惫腻蝉颈 sect quotes it in his 厂补诲诲丑补尘尘补蝉补峁単补丑补 (v, 7, p. 47; vv, 8, p. 49 ff) with great respect as a work of much merit and immense importance鈥�.

There is a noticeable lack of uniformity, a roughness of style, unsuitability of language and metre and numerous repetitions, apart from many other imperfections. Geiger points to the fact that, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is the outcome of a series of traditions collected together out of already exixting material, as a first attempt to record a linked history of the island.He also thinks that the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is a metrical work like the ancient 膧khy膩na poetry of India. But the entire story is not metrically formed. It was the production of an age when the oral tradition weakened; the same story came to show many variations, together with many examples of identity of language.

With all its drawbacks, both literary and grammatical, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 represents the oral tradition of the country starting from the time of the advent of Buddhism to the Island and is a very useful source of information dealing with the ancient times, and written in 笔腻濒颈.

There is a controversy regarding the acceptance of the 顿墨辫补惫补尘蝉补 as an epic. An epic must have a story of highly appealing subject matter of heroic character, interweaving several chapters of differnt affairs into a unity, showing the dramatic moments and conveying a central idea or moral, and above all, there must be a hero whose exploits it must relate in an effective style. In the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补, the narrative is more of historical nature than poetical. There is more than one hero. Its main theme at the first stage is 尝补峁卥腻-vijaya, the conquest of 尝补峁卥腻, both culturally and politically. The Island of 尝补峁卥腻 was first conquered by the Buddha, second by prince Vijaya, and thirdly by the Thera Mahinda. King 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补 and King 顿耻峁�峁�丑补g膩ma峁噄, two great national heroes of Ceylon dedicated their lives to unite and strengthen the territory conquered for Buddhism.Thus we may say that the narrative of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is a combination of as many as five epics.The 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 closes each of its chapters describing the short-lived merit of the kingly career and dynastic rule and emphasizing the value of the meritorious deeds that only endure. This kind of expression representing the central idea or moral of the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 is met with once at the end of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 forming the epic kernel at the end of the concluding chapter.

Criticising the poetic character of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补, the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 author says, it fails to arouse faith and to call up emotion in right places. Whereas, the author of the earlier form of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 openly claims that his performance is capable of awakening emotional interest, pleasing and delighting the heart of the reader, and what is more, the narrative of his epic is well supplied with various forms and modes.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 being a 惫补峁僺补 literature or chronicle presents the succession of events in two fold ways, the succession of the rulers and ruling dynasties (谤腻箩补-辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻) and the succession of the eminent monks (thera-辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻). The fundamental nature of historical narratives needs a structure of chronology which begins from a certain definite date. In the case of the Ceylon chronicles, the year of the 辫补谤颈苍颈产产腻苍补 of the Buddha is taken as the starting point of the Buddha Era (Buddhavassa).

B.C.Law says that,

鈥渢he year of the Buddha鈥檚 demise as known nowadays in Ceylon, Burma, and Siam is 543 B.C. But the Buddha era of 483 B.C. was current in Ceylon uptill the fifteenth century at the close of which a reformed calender was made. B.C. agrees very nearly with 486 B.C., which is fixed on the strength of the Chinese dotted record maintained at Canton till the end of the year A.D. 489 and 487 B.C.which may be fixed on the strength of the contemporaneity of Dev膩n膩mpiya 础艣辞办补 with the five Greek kings鈥�.

The narrative in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 can broadly be classified into pre-historic period, and historic period.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 describes a pre-historic period during which the Island of Ceylon had undergone many changes. We learn from it, that at the time of the rise of Buddhism in India, the Island of 尝补峁卥腻 was covered with great forests and full of horors. It was claimed that the Buddha went there to make the Island habitable for the higher races of men. It proves that the Island was then stood in such a position that a help from outer world was highly needed to prepare the path of developed civilization. Existing races in the Island were described in this stage. It is stated that the best habitable part of the Island was kept separated for the men of higher race.

The historic period begins with episode of Vijaya. A coincidence of the day of the Buddha鈥檚 demise with that of the landing of the exiled prince Vijaya on the island of 尝补峁卥腻 is envisaged to build up a systamatic chronology of the kings of Ceylon. This event is regarded a blessing for future history of the Island.

From which part of India did the banished crown prince Vijaya, the son of King 厂墨丑补产腻丑耻 come, is a matter of dispute.The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 says that Vijaya was the grandson of the king of 痴补峁単补 on his maternal side. But it throws no light about the location of 厂墨丑补辫耻谤补, the capital of 厂墨丑补产腻丑耻, of the kingdom of L膩岣峢a. According to the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 and other Chronicles, the kingdom of L膩岣峢a was situated between 碍补濒颈峁単补 and 痴补峁単补 and to the east of Magadha. The records of Hiuen-Tsang mentions South-India as the place of action of the lion and the princess.That the people of Ceylon prefer the name 厂颈峁僪补辫耻谤补 as the homeland of Vijaya is clear from the fact that even in later time two Indian princes, Nissankamalla and 厂腻丑补蝉蝉补尘补濒濒补, from the royal house of this place, were successively offered the throne of Ceylon.

B.C.Law holds the opinion that,

鈥榠蹿 Simhapura was situated in western Bengal or southern India, then why the ship which carried Vijaya and his companions reached the western coast of India at the ports of Bharukaccha (Broach) and 厂耻辫辫腻谤补办补 (厂辞辫腻谤腻) and carried by the prevailing ocean current to the western coast of Ceylon. Another ship, carrying the female companions of Vijaya and his friends reached 惭补丑颈濒腻-谤腻箩测补, which was situated according to Megasthenes and Hiuen Tsang, below Persia and near the mouth of the Indus. It suggests that 厂颈峁僪补辫耻谤补 should not be situated in western Bengal or southern India.The identification of 尝腻岣穉 by Geiger with 尝腻峁璦 on the western coast of India above Gujrat does not wholly meet the situation. The oldest form of the Sinhalese language, as found in the early 叠谤腻丑尘墨 inscriptions, appears as an Indo-Aryan dialect, which is very closely allied to the language of the Manshera version of Asoka鈥檚 Rock Edicts.Accounting all these facts the historians think of 厂颈峁僪补辫耻谤补 in the Lower eastern Punjab鈥�.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 then explains the origin of the two names of the Island.It is Sinhal or 厂墨丑补濒补 because of the epithet 厂墨丑补濒补 earned by Vijaya鈥檚 father 厂墨丑补产腻丑奴 since he had slain the lion, and it is 罢补尘产补辫补峁囜箛颈 because of the fact that on their first landing on the Island the hands of Vijaya鈥檚 companions became coloured red with the dust. 罢补尘产补辫补峁囜箛颈 is also a 笔腻濒颈 word, the Sanskrit name of which is 罢腻尘谤补辫补谤峁嚹� or T膩mravar峁嚹�, meaning copper-coloured or red鈥揷oloured.

顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 then set up Vijaya as the eponymous king of Ceylon. The matrimonial relations between the royal house of the 笔腻峁囜笉测补蝉 and the nobles of Ceylon and the services of the experienced eighteen guilds from 笔腻峁囜笉测补 were needed by the Island at that period of time for her development.The building of the towns of 罢补尘产补辫补峁囜箛颈 surrounded by suburbs, Vijita, Uruvela, 础苍耻谤腻诲丑补辫耻谤补, 鲍箩箩别苍墨 and Upatissanagara with well arranged markets by Vijaya and his followers were accomplished gradually and not in a day suddenly. After that the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 gives a 谤腻箩补辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻 parallel to that of Magadha: from Vijaya to 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补, from Aj膩satru to Dhamm膩艣oka. Thereafter the thread of synchronism is lost.

The immediate successor of King Vijaya was 笔补峁囜笉耻惫腻蝉补, the youngest brother of Vijaya and reigned for thirty years. This name is changed in the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补 as 笔补峁囜笉耻惫腻蝉耻诲别惫补. The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is also silent about the territory from which 碍补肠肠腻苍腻, the daughter of 笔补峁囜笉耻蝉补办办补 came. Seven Sakka princes, all grandsons of Amitodana, a brother of Suddhodana, came into the Island.

The parallelism between the two 谤腻箩补辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻s is shown in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补.In the ninth year of Aj膩sattu鈥檚 reign Vijaya came to Ceylon. In the sixteenth year of Udaya鈥檚 reign 笔补峁囜笉耻惫腻蝉补 was cowned. In the interval between the two kings, Vijaya and 笔补峁囜笉耻惫腻蝉补, the Island had no king for one year.In the twenty-first year of N膩gad膩sa 笔补峁囜笉耻惫腻蝉补 was died and Abhaya was crowned. In the fourteenth year of Candagutta King Paku峁囜笉aka died and his son Mu峁璦siva was consecrated. In the eighteenth year of 础艣辞办补, King Mu峁璦siva died and was succeeded by his son Dev膩nampiya-Tissa. Paku峁囜笉aka of the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 is the same king as 笔补峁囜笉耻办补 Abhaya of the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补, father of Mu峁璦siva and grand father of 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补.

Actually, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 presented three lines of chronological succession, namely, the 谤腻箩补辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻 of Magadha and Ceylon and the thera辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻 of the 罢丑别谤补惫腻诲补 Buddhist 厂补峁単丑补. Thus it is important from three corners of the early political histories of India and Ceylon and the early history of Buddhism. The three milestones of the early history of Buddhism from the parinibbana of the Buddha are the three Maha-厂补峁僩颈迟墨蝉, each happened by a general meeting of the monks, out of which the members were elected. Three royal patrons in association with these councils are equally important, namely, 础箩腻迟补蝉补迟迟耻, 碍腻濒腻艣辞办补, and Dhamm膩艣oka. It refers the rise of eighteen Buddhist sects or schools of thoughts during the century which elapsed between the reigns of 碍腻濒腻艣辞办补 and 础艣辞办补 and that of the heterodox views upheld by others.

According to B.C.Law,

鈥榯he 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 shows the succession of four ruling dynasties in presenting the 谤腻箩补辫补谤补尘辫补谤腻 of Magadha: i) the dynasty traced out from Bh膩tiya, father of 叠颈尘产颈蝉腻谤补, and a friend and contemporary of Suddhodana, the father of Gautama Buddha; ii) the 艢usun膩ga (艢aisun膩ga); iii) the Nanda; iv) the Moriya (Maurya)鈥�.

The Dipavamsa says nothing about the Nandas. It refers to the reign of Candagutta of the Morya-kula. The gap between the 厂耻蝉耻苍腻驳补蝉 and the Moryas is filled up by the 惭补丑腻惫补峁僺补with the reign of nine Nandas.

B.C.Law draw our attention pointing to the fact that,

鈥榯he chronicles of Ceylon speak of two coronations of 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补; the second took place six months after the first in honour of the presents from 础艣辞办补. But the 顿墨辫补惫补尘蝉补 alone make us known of two consecration of Prince Piyadassana, the first under the title of 础艣辞办补, four years after his accession to the throne of 叠颈苍诲耻蝉腻谤补, and the second under the title of Piyadassi, six years after the first. The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 refers 础艣辞办补 as a person who assumed the royal title Piyadassi but 顿颈惫测腻惫补诲腻苍补 represents the same as a personal name given to him by his father at the instance of his mother鈥�.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 says; 础艣辞办补 killed his hundred brothers, in Mahinda鈥檚 fourteenth year. The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 and other Ceylon chronicles claim Mahinda and 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻 to be beloved children of 础艣辞办补 by his Vaisya wife 顿别惫墨 of 痴颈诲颈蝉腻.

B.C.Law says,

鈥榰ntil the thirteenth or fourteenth year of 础艣辞办补 his children were completely out of the picture (R.E. V). None can think of 础艣辞办补 having grown up sons before his twenty-seventh regnal year (P.E. VII)鈥�.

The mystery of the personal relationship of Mahinda and 厂补峁単丑补尘颈迟迟腻 with 础艣辞办补 cannot be solved in the light of 础艣辞办补鈥檚 own records, but the fact is that both of them went to Ceylon for the propagation of Buddhism during the reign of King 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈补测补-罢颈蝉蝉补.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 presents a bare outline of the political history of Ceylon from Mu峁璦艣iva to 惭补丑腻蝉别苍补. The whole chapter of XVII is devoted to the career of Mahinda which extended over two reigns, namely that of 顿别惫腻苍腻尘辫颈测补-罢颈蝉蝉补 and that of Uttiya, his brother and successor.Nothing of architectural importance and beauty was built in the time of Devanampiya-Tissa. The vigorous creative activity of the art and architecture of Ceylon began during the reign of 顿耻峁�峁�丑补g膩ma峁噄 and was continued through subsequent reigns. 顿耻峁�峁�丑补g膩ma峁噄 attained the paramount position in the history of development of Buddhism in Ceylon.

The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 names fourteen Theras who came from India at the time of foundation of 惭补丑腻迟丑奴辫补 by 顿耻峁�峁�丑补g膩ma峁噄 without mentioning the centres of the 罢丑别谤补惫腻诲补 Buddhism represented by them.The list of places is supplied by the Mahavamsa.

The disturbed reign of 痴补峁�峁�补驳腻尘补苍颈, the son and successor of 厂补诲诲丑腻-罢颈蝉蝉补 is memorable for three facts: i) For defeating the Tamil usurpers; ii) For causing the 笔腻濒颈 canonical texts to be committed to writing; iii) For building the Abhayagiri monastery.

From Va峁�峁璦gama峁噄鈥檚 son down to 惭补丑腻蝉别苍补 a smooth course of political history is noticed in the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补. The chief event in the following religious history of Ceylon was the rivalry between 惭补丑腻惫颈丑腻谤补 and the Abhayagiri-惫颈丑腻谤补. The earlier chronicle is unaware of the six later Buddhist sects that arose in India and the two sects, the Dhammaruci and the S膩galiya that arose in Ceylon. Actually the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 said nothing regarding the cause which arose for the separation of the monks of the Abhayagiri from the 惭补丑腻惫颈丑腻谤补 and the formation of the Dhammaruci sect under the persuation of an Indian teacher, Dhammaruci, of the Vajjiputtaka community. During the reign of 痴辞丑腻谤补-Tissa, the Dhammarucikas of Abhayagiri adopted the Vetulla or Vedalla 笔颈峁璦办补. The 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 makes mention of this as 痴颈迟补峁囜笉补惫腻诲补.

Thus we see that in the fields of 笔腻濒颈 and Sinhalese literature, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 holds a pride place in throwing light on the political, religious, cultural and literary history of the Island of Sri-Lank膩.In spite of clumsy and sometimes not sensible narration, the 顿墨辫补惫补峁僺补 created the base of the Va峁僺a-Literature in Sri-尝补峁卥腻 and obviously touches our mind deeply with the magical power of its inherent meaning.